AIKC Meeting: New Peasant Upsurge

The first meeting of the All India Kisan Council (AIKC) after the 23rd Conference held at Varanasi met at Trichur in the Azhikodan Raghavan Memorial Hall from 29th November to 1st December, 1980 under the presidentship of Com. Benoy Krishna Choudhury, the President of All India Kisan Sabha. Besides Comrades Har Kishan Singh Surjeet, M.A. Rasul (Vice Presidents) K. Chathunni Master (General Secretary), Santimoy Ghosh, N. Sankariah (Joint Secretaries) and Comrade M. Basavapunnaiah the members present were comrades:

1. Gour Saha, 2. Bagala Guha, 3. Paritosh Chatterji, 4. Khudiram

Bhattacharya, 5. Bejoy Modak, 6. Joykesh Mukherji, 7. Sunil Majumdar, 8. Benoy Konar, 9. Mahindra Gope, 10. Anil Saha, 11. Benode Das 12. Ananda Mukherji, 13. Gunadhar Choudhury, (14) Madhu Bag, 15. Chandra, 16. Provash Roy, 17. Santosh Banerji,

1. Siban Chowdhury (West Bengal) 19. N. Krishnan Nair, 20. M.P. Narayanan Nambiar, 21. P.V. Kunhikannan, 22. T.K. Ramakrishnan, 23. P.P. Esthose, 24. U. Kunhiraman, 25. T. Chathu, 26. A. Kanaran, 27. R. Krishnan, 28. P.K. Kunhachan, 29. V.S. Achuthanandan, 30. K.P. Aravindakshan, (Kerala) 31. U. Ramam, 32. T.V.R. Chandram, 33. V.

Narasimha Reddy, 34. J. Venkatesh, 35. P.V. Subba Rao, (Andhra Pradesh) 36. R. Rama Raj, 37. G. Veeraiyan 38. T. P. Muthuswamy, 39. N. Varada Rajan, 40. N. R. Ramaswamy, 41. P. Kumara Velu, 42. P.S. Danushkoti, (Tamil Nadu) 43. Rachpal Singh, 44. Dalip Singh Johal, 45. Chand Singh, (Punjab) 46. Narayan Kar, 47. Samar Choudhury (Tripura), 48. Noorul Huda, 49. Tarun Khakhlari, (ASSAM) 50. Krishna Kant Singh, 51. Subhodh Roy, 52. Ramashray Singh, 55. Rajendra Singh Munda, 54. Tarini Yadav, (BIHAR) 55. Khitish Viswal, (ORISSA), 55. Jiwan Lal Jariram Das, (Gujarat), 57. Tarachand, 58. Kuldip Singh, (Himachal Pradesh), 59. Rishi Dev, 60. Nabi Mallik, (Jammu & Kashmir), 61. Jagannath Bharati, (Madhya Pradesh) 62. V N. Halakatti, 63. P. Ramachandra Rao, (Karnataka).

The Council has discussed elaborately the problems facing the peasantry and their struggles which are being conducted in an unprecedented dimension in almost all the states in our country and adopted unanimously General Secretary’s Report and Resolutions which gathered much importance to strengthen All India Kisan Sabha and united actions of the peasantry in this period of new peasant upsurge all over the country.

Comrade E.K. Nayanar, Cheif Minister of Kerala greeted the Council meeting with a speech which indicate the changes of the agrarian relation in Kerala. A massive rally in connection with the Council meeting was held at Trichur on 30th December which was addressed by Comrades E.M.S. Namboodiripad, Harkishan Singh Surjit, M. Basavapunnaiah, E. K. Nayanar and K. Chathunni Master. Com. P.V. Kunhikannan, General Sacretary of the Kerala Karshaka Sangham presided over the meeting and A.S.N. Nambissan, the Chairman of the Reception Committee welcomed the rally. Com. K.P. Aravindakshan, Secretary of the Reception Committee has extended vote of thanks to the rally.

We hope the publication of these decuments will be helpful to understand the meaning and contents of the new upsurge of peasantry of our country which has already raised the conflicting reactions even among the Indian ruling hierarchy.

After the AIKC meeting, a meeting of the representatives of the peasant masses in the country was held at New Delhi on 16th December 1980 and adopted a resolution and formed a “Central Kisan Co-ordination Committee“. We included this resolution also in this publication.

Our earnest hope is that these documents will induce further fillip to the unity of struggling peasantry of India and it will help to strengthen the All India Kisan Sabha.

K. CHATHUNNI MASTER General Secretary

NEW DELHI 3.1.1981

Dear Comrade,

The All India Kisan Council is meeting after a period of more than one year and eight months. Although this is the second meeting of the A.I.K.C. after this body was constituted through an amendment to the Constitution feeling the necessity of the wider body in between the two conferences in reality this is the first meeting. One meeting was, no doubt, held before the conclusion of the A.I.K.S. session at Varanasi to elect its office-bearers and the members of the C.K.C. on April 1, 1979. As per the Constitution of the A.I.K.S. this body was to meet before April 1980 but due to various political developments in the country this schedule could not be adhered to.

Since the Varanasi Session of the A.I.K.S. many important changes have taken place in the international situation, and also in our country. Before I deal with them I pay my homage to those comrades who are no longer with us.

Comrades, I express my deep sorrow over the passing away of Com. Surhid Mullick Choudhury, member of the Central Kisan Council, who suddenly passed away due to heart attack. He served the All India Kisan Sabha as CKC member for many years, with the devotion and purpose.

I express my deepest grief on the death of Com. Ramanand Singh who was a member of the C.K.C. and the General Secretary of the Bihar State Kisan Sabha for the last many years. He was brutaly murdered by a gang of criminals when he was travelling in a bus, near Bihar Sherif on 19th October, 1979. His death is a heavy loss not only to the All India kisan Sabha but also to the Left and Democratic forces of Bihar.

I express my deep sorrow at the death of Com. A.V. kunhambu. He was a veteran peasant leader who was convicted in the famous Karivelloor case and contributed a lot in building the peasant movement in Kerala. He was a member of CKC for many years. Throughout his life he fought for the cause of peasants and other downtrodden people. His services will remain long in our memory. I mourn the death of Com. Hardet Singh Bhattel, Vice-President of the Punjab Kisan Sabha who for sixty long years worked for the cause of peasants, first in the struggle for national independence facing the tyranny of fuedal princes and then against the Congress regime. He was a household figure in the earstwhile Pepsu area of Punjab. I also express my deep sorrow the sudden death of Comrade Satyanarayan Chande, AIKC member from West Bengal.

Let me remember on this occasion scores of martyrs who have laid their life in defending the interests of the peasants and who died at the hands of the landlords goondas and by bullets of the police.

This period has witnessed many developments on the international scene. Because of the deepening crisis of world capitalist system the conflict between the developing and the developed countries are growing everyday and the non-aligned movement is playing a positive role today in the struggle against imperialism. This phenomena is expressed in all the world forums whether it is a meeting of 77, Conference of UNESCO or the special session of UNO on the Third development decade. The forces of liberation are no doubt growing.

This period has also seen the victorious struggle of the people of Zimbabwe resulting in independence of Zimbabwe throwing a challenge to the racialists and imperialists in Namibia and South Africa, that their rule cannot last for long and the last bastion of imperialism and racialism are to be eliminated. This period has seen the victory of the people of Nicaragua and the strengthening of the struggle of the people of EI Salvador, Columbia and many other countries of Latin American.

In this period the policy of detente has suffered a setback and the danger to world peace and the danger of war has increased. Raising a false scare about the Soviet danger to the security of USA, the American imperialists are piling up new armaments and creating a war atmosphere. The real aim is to put the USA in its strategic position to dominate the world and be ready with the new geneocidal armaments to threaten the socialist and other independent countries. The victory of Reagan in U.S. Presidential election who has been openly advocating the policy of condrontation has further added to this danger.

The war between Iran and Iraq, the two non-aligned countries which have been playing an important role in the struggle against imperialism and Israeli Zionism has only encouraged US imperialism to further disrupt the Arab unity and the unity of non-aligned countries. At the Varanasi Conference we had hailed the victory of the Iranian people who carried out successful revolution against the tyrannial rule of US puppet, of the late Shah of Iran and overthrew it, thereby striking a heavy blow to US imperialism in this region. It is regrettable that these two non-aligned countries are engaged in a full-scale war against each other which not only would seriously damage their economy and life but would disrupt the unity of the Arab people against US machinations. This war is having disastrous effects on the glorious freedom struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the PLO and offer opportunities to US and other imperialist powers to interfere in this region. This is a great portent for the Indian sub continent. The Iran-Iraq war has further seriously affected the economy of the developing countries. This war only benefits the US imperialists and the reactionaries and every step should be taken to stop this war and prevail on the leadership of these two countries to settle the disputes through negotiations.

The situation in the South-East Asia continues to remain tense. In the name of socalled Kampuchean issue, the US imperialists and Asian countries are out to create the situation of instablility in this region the region which for decades have fought against the foreign imperialist rule, including the direct intervention of US imperialism.

We had adopted a resolution in Varanasi about the unification of Korca. But US imperialists have encouraged on another coup in South Korea which has unleashed severe repression on the democratic movements inside South Korea and the authorities there are trying to bar the way to its unification. US imperialists continue to keep their armed forces in South Korea to perpetuate the puppet regime.

Our country also is facing a serious danger in the strengthening of the American base in Diego Garcia and by arming the military rulers of Pakistan by America under cover of Afghan developments. Perhaps it is because of Pakistan’s threat, Indian Government has been able to take a sobre view of the Afghan developments and have refused to join the chorus of attacking Soviet Union.

Apart from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal and even Bhutan are being used to pressurise India. Bhutan asserted its “independence” to India at the non-aligned conference by refusing to vote for the recognition of the new Kampuchean Government. Therefore it is very necessary to fight against the manoeuvres of imperialism. It is the bounden duty of the peasant movement in the country to solidly stand behind the national liberation forces and against war and for peace.

Coming to the national situation big changes have taken place in the political situation since Varanasi. In the General Secretary’s report at Varanasi it was pointed out that “the class bias of the new Government was revealed in its proposed Industrial Relations Bill, which has been described by the entire working class movement as the most reactionary, antiworker, and anti-trade union Bill ever presented to Parliament, in its eagerness to join hands with the Congress party in order to keep the emergency provisions and the provisions for preventive detention in the Constitution and in the budge proposals presented to Parliament only a month ago.

“The organised attacks on harijans colonies by the goondas of the vested interest in many states of the country of which the Belchi and Villupuram incidents are not two isolated examples, the raping and killing of women, the burning of their huts and the general atmosphere of terror which is prevailing in many parts of the country, are being encouraged, if not always by the active participation of a section of the ruling party in those atrocities, but at least by the indifference and tolerance shown towards these by the Gomernment. While the fear of the return of authoritarianism is still real, and there can be no denying of the valuable contribution made by sections of the Janata Party in the fight against authoritarian trends, the workers of the Kisan Sabha can ill-afford to forget the class character of the present regime and neglect the task of sustaining and stepping up of the struggle in defence of the rural poor, against the present Janata regime”.

Subsequnetly only four months after Varanasi, a serious crisis crupted in the Janata party leading to the fall of Janata Government and the formation of Lok Dal-Congress(U) Government. This Government also could not rally the majority in Parliament and the country was to go in for new elections. In the elections to the Lok Sabha which were held in January 1980, the Indira Congress got a sweeping victory except the states were the Left and Democratic movement was strong. This was not an ordinary change of the government but a return to the key position of large number of those who were instrumental for the Emergency crimes. Immediately following the formation of the Cabinet many bureaucrats whose actions were exposed in the various reports dealing with the Emergency excesses were placed in the key posts.

Not content with this the Indira Government utilising its brute, majority in the Parliament arbitrarily dissolved the nine state Assemblies to enforce the monopoly of its rule in those nine States too. Subsequently the Government began threatening, the Left Front Governments in the name of the so-called law and order and began discriminating against them in order to create difficulties for them. The issuing of National Security Ordinance initiated of the debate on the Presidential form of Government. The proposal to curtail the power of the Chief Justice on the question of appointment and transfer of judges, arbitrary dismissal of the Governer of Tamil Nadu shows that the Government instead of tackling the problems of the people is bent upon in perpetuating its rule through authoritarian methods. Not a single pledge given to the Masses during the elections about bringing down prices, providing employment, eradicating poverty has been fulfilled. In fact, it is trying to divert the attention of the people from the burning problems of the masses.

Instead of securing the co-operation on important issues of communal and national unity, the Prime Minister started attacking all opposition at a time when the country is faced with very serious situation in the North-East region. The genuine discontentment of the people of the North-East region has been diverted into secessionist channel. No solution is seen to be in sight on the problems of Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland and other States. In Assam, the reactionary forces helped from outside are exploiting the situation to disrupt the national unity. The peasant movement in Assam had to face a very critical situation, but heroically stood against the disruption of the democratic movement and in defence of national unity opposing the secessionist slogans of the movement.

This period also saw the reactionary efforts to disrupt the democratic movement in Tripura, one of the strongest base of peasant movement, the unity forged between the tribals and the non-tribals through struggles was sought to be disrupted by organising riots between them. Here also the hand of foreigners could be clearly seen. In fact, the developments in the North-East region posed a serious challenge to the Indian unity, and the very Indian citizenship. This has to be resisted by the peasant movement of the country. The separation of North-Eastern areas has been a part of the imperialist plan for weakening and dismembering India and some reactionary leaders of the movements in these areas are playing in their hands.

This period has witnessed eruption of communal riots in many parts of the North starting on the attack by the PAC personnel on the praying Muslims on Id day in a mosque at Moradabad. This has again created a sense of insecurity among the Muslim minority in the country. This is meant to disrupt the common movement of the working class, peasants and other sections of the toiling people. Therefore, the Kisan Sabha has to fight consistently against the communal forces of all varieties.

It is in this period the attacks against harijans are continued and the offensive of the landlords is on.

Moreover this period has witnessed the molestation of women by innumerable instance of rape, specially in police custody. The Bhaghpat incident followed by Dabunaly and many other incidents have enraged the peasantry and they have launched protests to encircle the police stations and by holding big demonstration and even offering satyagrahas.

The promising element in the situation is the growing unity of the masses and united actions of the peasants on various issues. There have been in the period spontaneous struggles of the peasants for remunerative prices, against indebtedness and taxes. The agricultural workers went on struggle for minimum wages and homestead lands. The mass struggle of the peasants of Karnataka, the bandh in Andhra Pradesh, the struggles of Maharashtra farmers and the peasants of Punjab, the Bihar Bandh and the Bengal Bandh are indicators of growing unity of the peasants in defence of the interests and to fight against the drive towards authoritarianism.

In this respect, the coming together of the six opposition parties is a welcome feature on the issue of prices, communalism and democracy. This has given a big fillip to the peasants struggles that are going on in the country. We from this platform should lend our full support to these efforts for united action. But we should not feel content with this. More active participation of the peasantry is required in order to fight in defence of the interests of the peasantry. We should join hands with others against authoritarianism and in defence of democracy. Now, I would proceed to deal with the concrete problems facing the peasantry today.

In the Secretary’ report to the 23rd AIKS Conference which was held from 30th March to 1st April 1979 at Varanasi, it was correctly stated that “the biggest single problem in the rural areas at present is the crash in the prices of agricultural produces especially of commercial crops but also of food grains. Be it cotton or jute, sugarcane or potatoes, tobacco or rubber the prices which the actual producers are getting do not even meet the cost of production. If we are not able to win remunerative prices for the agriculture produces, the entire rural economy will be seized by a crisis the magnitude of which affects all sections of the peasantry and the widest mobilisation is possible in the struggle for remunerative prices” and the report emphasised further “during this period fair price for the crops became a major demand of the peasant movement in practically every states”.

The anti-peasant, anti-people and pro-monopoly policies of the government which has continued ruthlessly in the intervening period between the Varanasi Conference and this AIKC meeting, have further aggravated this burning problem unprecedentaly and the different section of peasant producers and their various organisations, cutting across all political barriers, are compelled to fight against this policy unitedly to win a remunerative price for agricultural produces. This problem has come to the forefront opening the prospect of broadest united action of all the section of the peasantry on a national scale.

The serious impact of this vexed problem on the age old other problems of the peasantry ie. tenancy, share cropping, rent to land lords, failure of implementation of land legislation and distribution of surplus land, rural indebtedness, problems of agricultural workers, tax burden etc, has extremely worsened the misery of the peasanty in manyfold, especially of the poor and middle peasanty and agricultural workers. This extraordinary situation has fermented the entire peasantry unprecedentedly and compelled them to unite and fight for existence.

The gravity of this objective factors naturally urges upon the peasantry and their organisation to consolidate their strength and struggles to mitigate the pauperisation of the peasantry by winning over their demands which include the demands on implementation of land legislation, debt relief measures, agricultural workers minimum wage etc., etc.

The level of implementation of land reform legislations varies from state to state in our country. The progress of land legislation implementation and the enactment of the new amendment act to plug the lacunas and the radical amendments to ractify the drawback in the existing land reform act are in a snail’s creeping speed, except in Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. Because of the delinquency of the land reform implementation and the absence of the powerful struggles to implement it a large majority of Indian peasants still continue as share croppers, tenants at will, without fixity of tenure under the ruthless eviction and exploitation by way of exorbitant share from share-croppers and rent to the land owners. Implementation of the ceiling act and taking over of the surplus land were being nullified with the connivance of the Janata and Congress(I) rulers wherever they were in power for the last so many years and denied the distribution of surplus land to the landless rural poor.

The basic cause of atrocities against Harijans and other weaker sections mainly arise from the unfulfilled tasks of radical land reform measures. The vicious circle of persistant hike of inflation and living costs and ever-increasing price of agricultural inputs and the unremunerative price level of agricultural produce of Indian economy have inflicted multifarious misery to the Indian peasants. The remnants of fuedal and landlord exploitation wherever being continued, because of the failure of implementation of land reforms have multiplied the miseries of the peasants and agricultural labourers in those States.

The struggle for land reform measures is a long and continous one of step by step advancement to win over radical changes in the agrarian set up of our country. In the path of this struggle of course, many obstacles are there, like constitution, courts, the grip of land lord interest in the State and Central Government etc;. But our experience has proved that the massive and powerful and continous struggle can remove these obstacles to a great extent by the ardent endeavour of the organised peasant movement. Therefore AIKS should take the initiative to renew the struggle and unite other peasant organisations for the implementation of the unfulfilled tasks of radical land reforms.

Eviction of tenants at will and share-croppers is rampant especially in whole Hindi area. While campaigning for the implementation of land legislation acts including ceiling acts, we should take up the problem of recording of rights of the tenants at will and share croppers as a burning issue. Organising resistance against the evictions also an urgent task to be carried out by way of all forms of direct actions.

To begin this agitation and struggle at the outset, AIKS should special state conventions to review the progress of the land legislation in the concerned states and formulate our amendments and suggestions to the existing legislation and decide to programme of future action in this regard. Simultaneouly we should approach the other peasant organisations especially the other Kisan Sabha (CPI) to launch a united struggle for its implementation. For this purpose state level Co-ordination committees of the various peasant organisations can be forme and state level joint conventions also be needed to chalk out the demands and form of action. We should always keep in mind that our independent activities and endeavour are necessary to launch a united action and its advancement to achieve further victory in this field to transform the existing land owenership system for the benifit of the tillers of the land.

The Joint All India Convention of Agricultural Labour Organisations held on 23rd October, 1979 in Delhi demanded that the Central Government should enact an All India Act for the protection and welfare of the agricultural labourers. In this regard, the Rural Labour Bureau of the Government of India constituted a committee including Comrade H.S. Surjeet, Vice President of AIKS which submitted its recommendations quite recently. The Central labour Minister has given the assurance in the Parliament that a new bill would be introduced as soon as possible on the basis of this recommendation. Therefore this is the opportune time to initiate an All India Movement to force the Central Government to speed up the procedures of this legislation.

The All India united Convention of Agricultural Labour Organisations decided to conduct united agitation and struggle on this issue. But this decision could not be implemented because of the successive election to the Parliament and State Assemblies. The demands for joint campaign adopted by the convention include the following:—

1. Conferring of Trade Union rights to agricultural workers including the right to collective bargaining and collective agreements with definite guarantees against infringement of those rights.

Simplification of the procedure for registration of Trade Unions of agricultural workers in order to make it easier and quicker. Relaxation in the provision of Union Membership subscription considering the low income and backwardness of the agricultural workers.

1. Security of Employment.
2. Working conditions to be regulated with fixation of working time according to the nature of work with condition that in no way the total working period should exceed eight hours a day, Provision for overtime payment for additional work. First aid, place for rest during interval, etc,. Special provision for regulating child labour with suitable protection to their health.
3. Compensation in injury and loss of life Ind safety measures.
4. Wage boards to be constituted for fixing wages on scientific basis. Proper representation to agricultural workers organisations on such wage for equal work between men and women.
5. Proper and effective machinery to deal with labour disputes in the agricultural sector. Separate labour wing or Labour Department in the States and at the Centre with an Agricultural Directorate at the State headquarters with enough number of officers at district and tehsil level and adequate number of inspectors.
6. Medical leave, casual leave, earned leave, etc; maternity benefits to women workers.
7. Social Security Scheme such as Provident Fund, workers and employers to make equal contribution.

A separate board with representatives of workers, employers and government to administer the provident fund scheme.

A social security fund to be set up to provide assistance to rural workers at the time of death, marriage and birth and in old age, etc, with the contribution of workers, employers and government. Major contribution but to in this fund has to come from the government.

A seperate board with representatives of workers, employers and government to administer the fund.

1. Tripartite Labour bodies to be set up at the Centre and State headquarters to discuss and decide general policy matters and specific issues of importance relation to problem of industrial relation in Agriculture.
2. Watch dog committees at District levels should consist at representatives of workers, employers and district administration to review the progress of implementation of the provision of law and suggest improvements in implementation and to discuss specific issues relating to the districts.

Apart from these demands of the Joint Convention and there commendation of the Rural Labour Sub-Committee, the measures taken by the Left and Left-Democratic Governments of West Bengal and Kerala to ameliorate the depressed conditions of the Agricultural workers such as old age pension, have given new inspiration and confidence to the Agricultural Workers all over the country. If we try to use this opportunity properly this is the best opportune time to organise them in a big way on a national level.

In Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Punjab our Agricultural Labour Union organisation is working separately in State level for the last many years. Recently Tripura PKC decided to organise a separate State organisation for the Agricultural labourers. In Tamil Nadu our Kisan Sabha movement mainly confined among the Agricultural Labourers especially Tanjore District which is one of the Kisan strongholds in Tamil Nadu. In all other states agricultural workers are being organised on district level or area levels and are functioning separately under the Kisan Sabha.

The problems of the Agricultural Labourers are not only the wages and the Acts regarding that, but other vital issue like allotment of house sites, housing schemes, distribution of government lands and surplus lands, social oppression police and landlord gunda repression, untouchability, atrocities on them etc, etc,. Kisan Sabha and Agricultural Labour Unions independently and united with others fought many a battles on these demands in this period in almost all the States especially in Andhra Pradesh, Punjab, West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Bihar and Himachal Pradesh. These struggles are mainly for increasing the wage or for the implementation of the minimum wage Act, distribution of the government land and surplus land for house sites, for the grand to thatch the hutments and dwelling-huts, farms servants and Beedi leave plucking workers demands, against the attacks of police and landlords goondas etc, etc,. In the fighting fields of these struggles many fighters of the Kisan Sabha Workers have been killed by Police and goondas of landlords and many were maimed with injuries almost all over the States especially in Andhra Pradesh.

In Andhra Pradesh many struggles were launched independently and unitedly with the CPI Agricultural Labour Union (BKMU) facing brutal repression and won over many demands wherever the struggles were carried out. In 1979 a joint struggle was conducted demanding the distribution of 40,000 acres of benami and surplus land on 13 districts 70,000 agricultural labourers including 5000 women participated in this movement. 4000 of them were arrested and 3000 of them are even undre prosecution. One comrade died and two others lost their arms in police firing.

Over a lakh of people picketed government offices for two days in about a hundred Taluk centres for house sites and grant of Rs. 2,000/- to build their huts as the State legislative council passed unanimously a resolution for. The Agricultural Labour Union through its branches has been agitating and working to secure house sites in 426 villages of eleven districts. In about 60 villages sites have already been obtained by about 4,500 families.

Beedi leaf picking is an important source of work in the plains and forest areas of Khammam and Warangal districts, 1,22,000 Beedi leaf workers belonging 912 villages and hamlets went on strike for about two weeks and succeeded in raising their total income by Rs. 5 lakhs over the prevalent rates and Rs. 17 lakhs over the government fixed rates. So, too many strikes had been waged on the demands of the farm servants and agricultural labourers to raise their wages and succeeded increased wage.

Heinous killing and repression by police and goondas including Naxalites and Congress (I) were a regular phenomenon here especially in Khammam and Warangal Districts. In the last 2 years 46 comrades were killed and many thousands were injured. On Comrade Omkar, M.L.A attempts have been made to murder by these goondas more than one time Naxalities have become the arms in the hands of landlords and Con(I) gangs here to supress the struggles and kill our comrades. All India Kisan Sabha and its state units should take these repression as a special issue all over India to campaign and compel the authorities to stop it. Andhra Pradesh Kisan Sabha and Agricultural Labour Union deserves more help from other States to defeat this brutal attacks against our movement there.

Kerala Agriculturul Labour Union and PKC jointly taken up the fight to defeat the enactment of the socalled land legislation amendment bill initiated by Mohamed Koya Ministry which was intended to conceal the surplus lands and legalise the benami transaction of surplus lands by big land holders. This struggle was continued until the fall of Koya Ministry and win over some participant parties of the Koya coalition and with there support also, the undesirable intention of that amendment has been checked by another amendmet bill passed by the Kerala legislature under Com. Nayanar Ministry, but this bill is even pending before the Central Government for its assent. Kerala Kisan Sabha and Agricultural Labour Union are periestantly campaigning to obtain the assent for this Kerala land reform amendment act.

Kerala Agricultural Labour Union has been conducting a struggle to increase the prevailing wage of the agricultural workers. In some areas they have won more than the fixed wage and the struggle continues in other areas where the increase is not achieved.

West Bengal Kisan Sabha conducted a struggles in thousands of villages to implement the fixed minimum wage act and own this demand successfully. Several court injunctions issued for the benefits of the land lords against minimum wage and operation burga have been defeated by the struggles of the peasants and agricultural workers in the fields. In Tamil Nadu also this kind of court injunctions against the minimum wage has been defeated by organised struggles of the agricultural workers.

Although we are working separately in some States and areas we must keep in mind always firmly that the relation between both these organisations are to be close and familiar to the utmost. In other words what should be in the strong frame work of the same lines and principles which have up held by the All India Kisan Sabha in its whole glorious tradition that the peasants and agricultural labourers are the both sides of revolutionary Kisan movement.

One of the serious effects of the all embracring crisis of the unremunerative price problem of agricultural produce is that it worsened the other pressing problems of the peasants like agricultural debts, taxes, Spiralling prices, rent to the landlords, by peasants and share croppers etc, etc as adding more fuel to the fire. Therefore abrogation of rural indebtedness and unbeatable taxes, betterment levies and many types of cesses on the peasantry became the most distressing problems to be solved urgently.

The agricultural and rural indebtedness, has turned up to be one of the most disturbing problems of the peasants and agricultural labourers and rural artisans. It was estimated years ago that Rs. 6000/- crores were the rural indebtedness of the peasants. Now it has further increased because of the enhancement of disbursement of loans after the period of the above estimation of agricultural credit societies, commercial bank and Government Agencies. The following data may throw some more light on the existing rural indebtedness.

Since the independence of our country the Indian Agricultural sector has never plunged in so deep a crisis which is being experienced in this period. This unprecedent crisis enormously demaged the agricultural economy and the life of the peasantry. The Indian peasants and their movements have taken up this challenge and started to fight back by united actions in almost all the State of our country. The burning problem of the peasants now has developed into foremost national problem which might explode at anytime remedial measures are delayed.

From joint mammoth demonstrations and satyagrahas had developed in to total bandh in some states. Some of the Governments as in Karnataka, Maharashtra, are trying to supress this movement by police repression including firing and killing but the tide of the struggle is gaining momentum everywhere.

In the existing context of the Indian political situation and the endeavour of AIKS to fight for the just-demands of peasant and agricultural labourers, existence of Left Democratic Front Governments is West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura is gathered much importance. Policies and measures being taken by these governments and its successful implementation that will be a powerful impetus to the struggles which are waging for basic changes against reactionary State governments and Central Governments; so that the former governments are the powerful instruments in the hands of the people, especially for the peasant and agricultural workers movement. Take for instance murderouse and in human attack on agricultural workers especially on Harijans even being continued in all states except the state where left democratic government are in power. The people who were fighting against this callous attacks and murder on the weaker sections of the people definitely could have drawn confidence and courage from the policy of these left and left Democratic front governments to safeguard their life and interest under this government.

Defending and strengthening of left democratic governments of West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala and implementing successfully the radical policies and measures of this governments have been gathered prime importance for the advancement of the peasant and agricultural labour organisations struggles all over the country. Therefore it is necessary to propagate the policies and measures of this left and left democratic governments to ameliorate the burning problems of the toiling peasants and agricultural workers including land reform implementation, pension for agricultural workers and poor peasants, rural development programmes, agricultural labourers wages and its legitimate implementation etc,. This wide propaganda will be a big pressure on other state governments to concede these demande which has been implemented by the left and left front government. This movement itself will be a powerful guarantee against the reactionary forces including Congress(I) Government in the Centre who are being trying invediously to topple these left and left democratic governments and their radical policies.

Our past experience amply given evidence to the important role of left and left democratic government in states, that these governments can be enacted and implemented with the support of the mass struggles of the peasantry the radical land reform and such other measures for the progress of the toiling people. Therefore it is our duty to defend and popularising the left and left democratic governments and its policies and an integral part of our struggles by which give impetus to the left and democratic force in the country who are fighting unitedly to replace those reactionary state governments who have not the will to implement the radical changes for the toiling masses.

This task has come to the forefront when taking into account the carnage committed in Tripura to destabilise the left front government of Tripura and in West Bengal the Congress(I) party with the connivance of the Central Government and collusion with all vested interests and divisive forces in the State and trying to create law and order problem by attacking peasant’s interests openly allying with jotedars in the intention to invite centre to intervence and topple the West Bengal Government. Using the position of the Central Government the Central Ministers including Prime Minister abating discord between the coalition parties and made avenues to topple the Kerala Ministry is also has started its intrigue in this direction. Without effectively exposing these intrigues of the vested interests against the left and left democratic governemnts and unifying all the democratic forces of our country we can not defeat this dangerous forces and defend the democratic rights of the people.

More and more sections of the people of our country are included year after year who are eligible to get the benefit of many categories of social security measures as provident fund, compensations, health scheme, group insurance and life insurance etc,. But the peasants who comprise the largest section of the Indian people have been far removed from this kind of social security schemes and measures. But the nature of the agriculture and the condition of our country always put them into destitution by huge losses of their crops by which inflict insecurity of the life of the peasantry more than any section of the people in our country. This age old negligence of the peasants should be plugged with remedial measures is a necessity.

Our country is a land of disastrous floods, droughts, cyclones and other kind of national calamities. It comes intermetently on occassions and damaged heavily crops, properties, cattle, human life, etc,. Nobody can forget enormous volume of losses and casualities in the Andhra Cyclones. Ruinous drought which effected a big part of our country and huge floods occuring in every years. The first victim of this calamities always will be the agricultural crops and other wealths of the peasantry. But it is a sorrowful negligence on the part of the rulers of our country not to compensate with adequate measures to the peasants.

Kisan Sabha should take up this issue as an important demand of the peasant to get adequate compensation for losses including life wherever this calamities occur by crop-insurance grants and aids. Besides this peasant welfare fund and crop-insurance schemes should be implemented on easy term. And a health protection scheme like ESI to be devised and implemented for the benefit of the peasants.

The Kerala State Kisan Sabha has taken this issue as a important demand in their continuous campaign. The last special convention of the Kerala State Kisan Sabha adopted a 21 point demand including these social security measures and compensation for losses of the peasants which has been given due priority. In the last budget speech of the finance minister of Kerala assured to implement a new legislation with regard to this demand. This is a prospective indication for the success of the campaign on this problem.

Generally peasants and agricultural workers have been living in the remote villages. Indian villages are traditionally devoid of primary human conditions for habitancy. Eminities for drinking water, dispensary with a doctor and a midwife, motrable roads, schools and post offices are lacking in many of our villages. As a symptom of most acute backwardness in many villages Harijans are being separated or segregated.

The AIKS Agricultural Labour Unions have been fighting for the upliftment of peasants and agricultural workers since long years. Without removing the deplorable conditions of village life real progress of peasants and agricultural workers could not be achieved. It is a matter of regret that the AIKS and Agricultural Labour Union did not see the importance of village upliftment which would have stepped up the common mass movement and that objective conditions would have used for strengthening our movement and made the villages politically educated. Therefore, the AIKS and Agricultural Labour Unions should jointly take up the village development programme and unite all other organisations in the villages to fight for the achievement of the above demands. These should be a country wide movement with all sided support.

Panchayats and other local bodies can be utilised with mass participation by the active initiative of the Kisan Sabha and Agricultural Workers Organisation. Food-for-work scheme also be directed to contribute the work of rural development. Kisan Sabha should take special attention to campaign to implement the irrigation schemes and other agricultural development scheme, effective participation in agricultural co-operatives and such other co-operatives institutions in villages.

It is necessary to give our attention to organise rural industries under many schemes of the goverment and the five year plan including scheduled caste and scheduled tribes development schemes. If the Kisan Sabha and Agricultural Labour Union ignore this development work other vested interests who are interested to weaken the peasant and agricultural movement will go with these schemes and create illusion among the agricultural workers and peasants who are facing unemployment and misery. The importance of taking this kind of responsbility by the Kisan Sabha and agricultural Labour union must be inculcated to our workers. By these categories of activities Kisan Sabha should strive to develop as a major initiator of the rural life and transformer of the rural society. Without using this opportunity also Kisan Sabha cannot help rural people to achieve some remarkable advance in the rural development. Therefore this categories of work also as a part of our common struggle to win over a better life to the peasants and agricultural labourers.

The syndrome of the throw away price level for the agricultural producers and the huge profit to the industrial monopolies and the rocketting black-market price to the consumers could be seen nakedly in the case of acute sugar crisis which has developed now. The vicious circle of sugar crisis which has developed now. The vicious circle of sugar crisis has started from them manipulation of the plummeted sugarcane price to a most unremunerative level which has compelled some of the sugarcane cultivators to use sugarcane as fire wood especially in the years of 1977-78 and 1978-79. Maximum sugarcane production in our country was witnessed in these years. The following facts of sugar and sugarcane production will explain these facts:

The above figures have clearly shown in which years the sugarcane production was the highest. These years were the peak years of sugar production and in this period the price of sugar for the consumers also was cheapest.

The years of maximum sugarcane production were the perilous years for the cultivators because of the distress sale of the sugarcane and connected miseries like huge amount accumulated in sugar factories as dues to the meagre price of sugarcane which they sold to the factories. The crisis created by the low-level prices of sugarcane in 1977-78 reduced the production of sugar in the next year, but the low price level continued for sugarcane and sugar although the production of sugar was 68.6 lakh tonnes, which means 6 lakh tonnes less than the previous year.

The internal consumption of sugar in our country is estimated from 50 to 55 lakh tonnes per year. When sugar production was more than the internal consumption level that was achieved at the cost of sugarcane cultivators. But the sugar barons of India mercilessly fleeced both the sugarcane cultivators and the consumers and fattened their profit in all these years. It was estimated that more than one thousand crores of rupees were squeezed as profits by sugar barons in these years of the socalled sugar crisis of our country. The “Sugar Crisis” therefore is a manipulation or a cruel manouvering of the greedy sugar barons who are hand in glove with the Central Government to a mass huge profits at the cost of sugarcane cultivators and consumers.

The dangerous situation has arisen from the anti-peasant price-policy of sugarcane on the one hand and on the other anti-people and pro-sugar baron price policy of the Government. One of the fertile soils to make more profit for the sugar magnets is the cheapest raw material i.e. sugarcane, government has been fixing sugarcane prices continuously, year per year on a most unremunerative level for the benefit of sugar magnets and compel the sugarcane cultivators to supply their produce to sugar factories even by banning power crushers, khandasari units, gur makes whenever they were giving higher prices to sugarcane than fixed by the government. The dual pricing policy also is a boon to the greedy sugar barons to manipulate and loot the consumers.

These anti-people and pro-monopoly policies could not be changed without radical transformation of sugar policy and the connected matters with regard to price policies on sugar and sugarcane. Therefore All India Kisan Sabha strongly demands the following measures to be taken to solve the “sugar crisis”.:

1. Nationalise Sugar industry.
2. Takeover all sugar stocks. End dual price policy. Distribute through public distribution system. From vigilance committees to ensure proper distribution.
3. Fix minimum price Rs. 25/- per quintal for sugarcane.
4. Repeal all restrictions against sugarcane selling other than sugar mills.

These demands must be justified because of the continuous unremunerative price fixed for sugarcane for long and the ever growing flunctuations in sugar price against the intrest of the consumers and the record-breaking profits of the sugar magnets. It is amply clarified by facts that the quantity of sugarcane cultivation and production capacity of the sugar factories of our country are sufficient to produce sugar more than needed for the internal consumption of our country. Therefore the struggles to get remunerative prices for the sugarcane should be strengthened by united actions and to win over the above mentioned demands for basic changes in sugar policy.

All the cultivators of commercial crops like Jute, Cotton, Cocoa, Tamarind, Rubber, Coconut, Tobacco, Groundnut etc, are under the same plight which has been meted out to sugarcane growers as mentioned above in the socalled sugar crisis.

“ It is a sorrowful reality that the Central Government since independence during the last thirty years, have been sacrificing the interest of the Jute growing peasants of India and allowing the Jute sharks to loot the peasants. Today in West Bengal alone 20 lakhs peasant families are involved in Jute growing agriculture and they are already bled-white by the Jute barons, who are all Indians”.

“ At the cost of millions of Jute growing peasants and Jute Mill Workers, the Jute magnets are earning profit to the minimum extent of 400 crores every year and the Government of India is earning foreign exchange to the extent for- 3 hundered crores of rupees every year. What the Jute growing peasants got? They are being denied even the very subsistance and they are increasing by becoming landless”.

It should be noted here that West Bengal is the biggest Jute producing State in our country. 52% of the Jute produced in India comes from West Bengal. The age-old miseries of Jute cultivators are continuing unabeted because of the anti-peasant pro-monopoly policy of the Government.

The Central Government led by the Janata Party after much hesitation gave an assurance to the Left Front Government of West Bengal and the united movement of the Jute cultivating peasantry and Jute Mill workers union that the JCI would implement the policy of monopoly purchase of Raw-jute in 1980. But after having assumed office, the Indira Gandhi government blatantly rejected the policy of monopoly purchase and came out with a declaration that the JCI will confine its operation during the current season only to price support by purchasing Raw-Jute at the level of minimum support price which would be recommended by APC. However, nothing has been done effectively to purchase Raw-jute from peasants by the JCI in this Jute harvesting season and they compelled the Jute growers for distress sale at the rate of Rs. 60/- below than the minimum price fixed by APC per quintal. But the paradoxical side of the problem reveals the following facts. The cost price was worked out by the West Bengal Government is Rs. 190/- per a quintal of Jute. The support price had been fixed at Rs. 160/- a quintal, against the West Bengal Finance Minister’s demand for Rs. 250/- and the joint demand of the peasant organisations for a higher rate Rs. 300/-. The real peasants are getting is far below the support price.

The perilous havoc of the Jute growers of Assam due to agitation are now forced to sell their product at prices ranging from Rs. 12 to 45 per quintal. Apart from government’s failure to fix remunerative prices and decietful purchasing of JCI has created this ruinous position. Thanks to the blockade imported by the Assam agitators on foreign nationals by which the peasants are thrown to such a calamity.

The Left Front Government of WEst Bengal with the action co-operation of the Panchayat Samities made arrangements purchase Raw-jute from the peasants to save them from the distress sale and to give them relief in this regard. But the miseries of the Jute cultivators remain for want of a durable solution by radical measures which are being jointly demanded for the last so many years by the peasant organisations and Jute Mill Workers Unions. Since independence the following demands were raised and which have gathered much importance now for a durable solution for this vexed problem.

1. The entire Jute trade including foreign trade and also the wholesale of Jute be nationalised.
2. Definite arrangements should be made for monopoly purchase of Raw-Jute by J.C.I at the fixed rate.
3. Ensure fair and remunerative price to the Jute Cultivators and make available the agricultural inputs to the peasants on fair price.
4. Nationalise Jute industry and safeguard the legitimate demands of the Jute Mill Workers.

As the Jute growers the similiar distresses and miseries are meted out to the cotton growers also over the country. The Agricultural Prices Commission and the Government of India by their antipeasant, anti-consumer and pro-monopoly policies compelled the cotton cultivators for distress sale on a throw away price of their produce and allowed textile barons to mint huge profits at the expense of the cultivators and consumers.

Varanasi Conference of the AIKS as demanded minimum price of cotton be fixed at Rs. 500/- per quintal. For the 1979-80 season, the APC has recommended a price of Rs. 265/- for the Punjab-320/F variety an increase of Rs. 10/- per quintal as compared to the former year. Now the APC’S latest recommendations for the 1980-81 is Rs. 300/- per quintal kapas of fair average quality of- 320 F/414-F/J-34-variety.

Their original recommendation was Rs. 290/-, but by a supplimentary report added Rs. 10/- more. APC’s funny claims for this enhancement is by the way of 37.9% increase in fertilizers and 50% increase in diesel oil and their impact on cost of cultivation of cotton would be to raise it about 4.2% and it would be sufficient to offset that hike of cultivation expense by this paltry amount of Rs. 10/-.

The Cotton Corporation of India also like to JCI and FCI will not enter the market in the season to purchase the agricultural produces which compel the peasantry especially the poor and middle peasants to sell their produces by distress sale. Usually these public sector corporations have been working consciously hand in glove with the industrial barons to exploit maximum of raw material producers and to amass their own profits. Whichever be the commercial crop this is the developing stance of mainpulation in the field of activity of te public sector purchasing agencies including CCI under the existing context of this vicious circle.

The following schedules of cotton production and the purchase by CCI in India obviously shows the wide gulf between the production of cotton and purchasing by the CCI. The meager quantity of the purchase in each and every year which is the main reason of the distress sale of cotton cultivators it occurs usually.

Source: Directorate of Economics and Statistics Ministry of Agriculture.

Source: Cotton Corporation of India.

The capitalist development in our country takes place by exploting the maximum from the peasantry and this policy is being persistently followed by the rulers of our country. Without defeating this bankrupt policy and wining the following demands which are essential to ensure remunerative price for cotton, we will not be able to put an end to the lost of peasants, consumers textile workers by the textile barons,

1. Nationalise the Textile Industry.
2. Monopoly purchase should be ensured by CCI all the marketable cotton in the country.
3. Fix a minimum remunerative price of Rs. 550/- for a quintal of cotton.

In the General Secretary’s report to the 23rd Varanasi Conference of the AIKS high lighted many aspects of the drawbacks of our organisation and dealt with some guidelines to correct the weakness. But after the Varanasi Conference also there were no remarkable improvement in the organisational position in the traditionally weakest states especially of whole Hindi belt. We are aware of the weakness of Kisan Sabha for long and thinking continously for the 2 to 3 decades to desist this weaknesses. If a glimpse of All India Membership and its statewise distribution from year 1979-80 which has given below it would be seen rise and fall of membership year by year in States and the persistant weaknesses majority of the State Kisan Sabha especially of Hindi belt.

In a long period of a two and half decades, this schedule clearly indicates the traditional weak states of Kisan Sabha which have been pecked persistently where it was even after the Varanasi Conference also. At the same time few states West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura continuously improved their strength especially West Bengal. This experience obviously shows the strength and the weakness of our state movements.

The membership of the AIKS has gone up to hundred percent in two years after the Varanasi Conference from 22, 91, 980 in 1977-78 to 45, 26, 243 in the main chunk of this enhancement comes from West Bengal alone. The total increase of the All India Membership in this period is about 23 lakhs. In this 23 lakhs about 19 lakh is the share of West Bengal only. West Bengal Provinicial Kisan Sabha gloriously represents 70.3% of total membership of AIKS in 1979-80. Next strong hold state of AIKS in Kerala but camparatively to West Bengal’s inspiring advancement Kerala stands far below. In 1977-78 combined membership of the Kerala Kisan Sabha and Agricultural Labour Union was 4,19,030. It has increased to 5,51,29 in 1979-80. Thats means an increase of 1,33,000 membership and its represents only 12.4% membership of the AIKS. But in West Bengal some of the districts have more than the total membership of Kerala. For Instance Midnapore district membership is 5,97,871. 24 Parganas, Burdwan has 4,60,374 and 4,57,577 membership respectively. It is noteworthy the difference between West Bengal and Kerala in their respective enhancement of the membership in comparison with the population in West Bengal is 4,43,12,011 and Kerala is 2,13,47,375. That means the population of Kerala is nearly 50% of the population of West Bengal. But Kisan Sabha membership of Kerala is only 16% of the West Bengal Kisan Sabha membership. If the ration of population and membership is to be taken into account Tripura also is far better than Kerala. Population in Tripura is 15,56,342 and the Kisan Sabha membership is 70,092. On basing state-wise population the percentage of Kisan Sabha membership of West Bengal is 7%. Tripura 4.5% and Kerala 2.6%. But in the total membership of AIKS 84.2% belong to these three states.

In the rest part of our country which represents the majority of the States and the States and the biggest part os it has a share of merely 15.8% of total membership of AIKS. If we further distribute this percentage 4.5% is in Andhra, 2.5 is from Tamil Nadu and the remaining 11% is from the rest of the states. In the Hindi region including Punjab membership is hardly 5%. In fact the membership in Bihar has come down from 1,27,400 in 1978-79 to 85,400 in 1979-80, in Punjab from 1,04,050 to 82,267 and in Rajastan from 30,000 to 10,000. Maharashtra has gone back from 32,000 to 18,000. Karnataka where a tide of widespread and courageous struggle of the peasantry are going on, the performance of our organisation is in a reserve gear. In 1968-69 Karnataka membership was 25,482 and 1978-79 decreased to 18,200 and further decreased to 16,000 in 1979-80. But Jammu & Kashmir and Gujarat raised their membership from 2000 to 7000 and 8000 to 11,600 respectively.

The main reason of the great success of the West Bengal State Kisan Sabha is the strong state centre and better district centres also. Without strong state and district centres it is ipossible to build up a powerful peasant organisation in states.

Therefore we must concentrate our attention to strengthen the State and District Centres with capable full-timers of the Kisan Sabha in the helm. When we think to strenghen our state organisation we should start from this primary task. As far as the weaker states are concerned we should findout more cadres to work in states and districts centres from the activities in our movement. The following schedule of the district level membership of some states clearly shows the strength and weaknesses of our organisation from top to bottom.

In the strong states of our movement namely West Bengal and Kerala the district membership of these states are sufficient to have necessary cadres to the district committees, intermediary and primary committees also. District-wise membership in weak states shows the main deficiency of our organisation there. In some of the district membership of U.P. and Haryana far below the membership of a primary committee in West Bengal or Kerala. The membership enrollment principle of a mass organisation is itself also lacking in these weak states. For instance the membership distribution of districts itself clearly shows in many of the districts there cannot be functioned any primary committee of the Kisan Sabha because of the number of membership for a primary unit area is paltry or nil. This system should be corrected at least in the coming years membership enrollment. All the PKCs should decide the minimum membership necessary for a primary Kisan Sabha and insist that minimum membership as a firm condition to form a primary Kisan Sabha member should be a member of a primary unit. In other words enrolling Kisan Sabha membership not in a primary unit of the Kisan Sabha should be avoided strictly. Otherwise in the weak states weakness of the organisation never can be plugged from top to bottom.

Politicising and radicalising of the whole peasantry is a major task to build up a revolutionary Kisan movement and unify the other Kisan Sabha organisations for a united struggle to change the exiciting socio-economic set up of our country. In this regard we should intensify our work in the grassrooot level of the Kisan Sabha to closely contact the mass peasantry by day to day activities to activise and unite them for a new upheavel. For the success of this resurgancc of the peasantry we should streamline the day to day functioning and activities of the primary unit of our organisation with added vigour and concentrated efforts.

One of our main weakness in the primary units of the Kisan Sabha is the utter lack of day to day contact with the mass membership and activise them to participate in the activities of the Kisan Sabha. Best Bengal Kisan Sabha has taken into account this necessity and decided to reorganize its primary units in all polling booth areas to revitalise its activity to achieve success in the above direction. The experience of the West Bengal Kisan Sabha to reorientate the functioning and activities of the primary unit of the Kisan Sabha be assimilated and inseminate that experience to other states also as a guideline for the success of this endeavour.