25th Conference: General Secretary’s Report

The General Secretary’s Report to the 24th Session had pointed out that “faced with the serious economic crisis, the U.S. imperialism is preparing for a nuclear war, a war which would be more destructive than any waged so far in human history. U.S. imperialism is determined to make Western Europe, the theater of a nuclear war in which most destructive weapons are intended to be used against the Soviet Union. With this purpose in view, the U.S. in forcing its NATO allies to install cruise missiles in their countries. Although the western powers are alarmed at the consequences of stationing of the missiles on their territories and the preparation for nuclear war, they are lining up behind the Reagan administration and allowing their countries to become theaters of nuclear war.”

The Report further stated that “war maneuvers of U.S. imperialism are not confined to mere installation of nuclear weapons in Western Europe, it is creating hotbeds of tension and war in many places all over the world with a view to suppress the forces of national liberation and recapture the lost position in the economic and political field in various former colonial countries.” Based on this understanding the conference gave a call to the peasantry to unite with the working class and other democratic and peace loving forces, to combat the war danger, expose and unmask the aggressive plans of the imperialists before the world to save it from nuclear devastation. The conference expressed its solidarity with the people fighting for national liberation and for defense of their independence.

International situation has further deteriorated since then. Defying the powerful protests made by the people of Western countries, U.S. imperialists installed the Cruise missiles in Europe directed against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. It intensified the arms race and refused to accept any proposal for moratorium on nuclear tests. On the other hand, under cover of strategic defense initiative, it took the arms race to space and began working on the “Star Wars” Project, the world has never faced such a danger of nuclear war as it is facing today. Such a war, if allowed to be unleashed, is going to be a devastating war where not only the achievements of humanity are at stake but the human race itself, where nobody can be a winner.

U.S. imperialism is trying to secure military superiority over Soviet Union to unless war against it. The war which U.S. imperialism is preparing for, is a war of imperialism against socialism. It is also a war for re-establishing its global domination over the newly liberated countries. Therefore it poses a big challenge to the socialist system, the world working class, the non-aligned movement and people desiring peace throughout the world.

The aggressive nature of U.S. imperialism is further reflected in the recent unashamed attack on Libya; in the aid given to country-revolutionaries fighting against Nicaragua, in the support given to the racist regimes of Israel and South Africa, and in its desperate attempts to subvert national liberation movements. It is helping the counter-revolutionary forces against Kampuchea and Afghanistan. It is backing the Moroccan regime of King Hussein in its war against S.A.D.R.

U.S. imperialists are very unhappy over India’s foreign policy of peace and non-alignment. They have encircled India with hostile regimes. They are arming Pakistan with sophisticated weapons and have strengthened the Diego Garcia base to destabilize the situation in our region.

As against U.S. drive for nuclear war, the Soviet Union and other socialist countries are making all efforts and are rallying all forces for peace. Beginning with this year the Soviet Union has taken initiative after initiative to counter the war drive of imperialism. Its three-stage proposal of January 18, 1986, for reduction and elimination of nuclear and chemical weapons, its unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests for more than 9 months, its appeal to reduce weapons in Europe and their destruction, its support to the 6-nation proposals, have shown that the Soviet Union and other socialist countries stand for peace whereas imperialism headed by U.S. imperialism is out to drive the world towards nuclear holocaust. In this struggle for peace, the Soviet Union has been able not only to win the support of the non-aligned movement but also Social Democrats in West European countries and all the peace loving forces the world over. The forces of peace are much stronger today and this, combined with the defense preparedness of the Soviet Union, can thwart the designs of imperialism.

Moreover, the imperialist countries are today faced with deep economic crisis. There are more than thirty million unemployed in the developed capitalist countries. Inflation is further squeezing the meagres incomes of the toiling masses. This has exposed various theories advanced by bourgeois economists in defense of the decaying world capitalist system.

As against this, the advance made by the socialist countries in the sphere of economy and well being of the people, provides a sharp contract to the crisis-ridden capitalist system. Most of the socialist countries have entered the stage of developed socialism where there is an all round advance in the political, economic and social sphere. That is why they desire peace, and defend national independence and self-reliance of developing countries.

In this situation India is assigned a very important role. Its policies of peace and non-alignment are a big contributing factor in the struggle against war mongers. It has very rich anti-imperialist traditions. But unfortunately there is not sufficient awareness among the people about the dangers of nuclear war. India has not seen the devastating effects of war. The Government of India also does not take the issues of war and peace to the people. The All India Kisan Sabha has to overcome this weakness in unity with the working class and other democratic and peace loving forces. A beginning in this respect was made in October 1981 by organizing a huge rally in Delhi in which AIKS took active part and subsequently by a Peace Convention in 1984. But this is not sufficient and this initiative has to be carried forward.

The condemnation of U.S. attack against Libya by all political forces in the country has shown the deep anti-imperialist feeling among the people of our country. This potential has to be used in rallying the people in support of national liberation movements and against imperialist intervention. The AIKS has to play an important role in this struggle.

The broad features of the national situation highlighted in the the report to the Midnapore Conference remain true even today. With the deepening crisis of the Indian economy, the agrarian crisis has been very much aggravated. The number of unemployed in the rural area stand at more than 40 millions, rural indebtedness has risen to the astounding figure of Rs. 13000 crores, loss of recovery of loans has risen to 40 per cent in many states. The peasantry is groaning under increased tax burdens; they have been denied remunerative prices for their produce. In fact there has been a crash in the prices of commercial crops like Jute, Cotton, Coconut, etc. Land reforms have been given a go-by. On the other hand, eviction offensive has been intensified by the landlords in the absence of land records. Agricultural laborers are denied minimum wages and hardly a day passes when the incidence of atrocities is not reported in the press.

Because of all this, great unrest prevails among the peasantry. In the absence of a powerful peasant movement, taking the country as a whole, on the one hand, the ruling classes are trying to throw the burden of the crisis on to the shoulders of the peasants and use the brute force of repression to suppress their struggles and,on the other hand, communal, divisive and separatist forces backed by imperialism are trying to divert discontentment into divisive channels and destablise the country. The assassination of late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was part of this conspiracy. The post-assassination riots showed how weak the secular foundations of our democratic fabric have become.

There is a rapid deterioration in the political situation today and the divisive forces are on the offensive. The ruling Cong. (I) Government is either a helpless spectator or compromises with them. The mass of the people show apathy and do not intervene. In Punjab the extremist and secessionist elements are not only on the offensive but have been able to capture entrenched positions in the religions institutions like Harminder Sahib* deposing the S.G.P.C. from all its authority over this temporal scat. This has never happened before since the liberation of Gurudwaras from the control of the pro-British Mahants in the early 1920s. They hoisted the flag of Khalistan there and openly advocated separation, making use of the gurudwaras. The Akali Party, in-spite of the massive majority it got in the elections, has not been able to fight and contain the forces. They cannot confront them as long as they base themselves on religious appeal. In Assam the new Ministry encourages its followers to run a campaign of intimidation and murders of opponents. They are also planning certain steps which may lead to the expulsion of thousands of citizens in the name of foreign nationals. The action of the Central Government in toppling the Farooq Government in Jammu and Kashmir encouraged Jamaat-e-Islami and other separatist forces in Jammu and Kashmir, leading to a situation of communal polarization which Jammu and Kashmir never witnessed since independence. Emergence of many organizations of Hindu communalism like Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Shiv Sena, RSS, and activities of Muslim fundamentalists under cover of various organizations, poses ‘ serious threat to communal harmony. There is another force D.S.-4 working in the name of Dalits, making a caste organization to keep them away from democratic movements. All these pose a serious threat to the class unity of the peasantry and working class and endangers national unity. The Congress Party and its Government instead of fighting these forces, take a compromising attitude from narrow partisan interest till they become a serious threat. It is the job of AIKS, in unity with working class, other peasant and democratic forces, to fight against these forces and defeat the game of imperialism.

The discontent is sought to be utilized by the landlords also who try to champion the cause of peasantry and keep them away from the democratic movement. This period has also focused the issue of center-state relations. Whereas the ruling party wants to concentrate more and more powers in the Center and strengthen authoritarian rule, the experience shows that the unity of the country can be maintained only by restructuring center-state relations when all the constituents of federal India can have full play in developing political, economic, social and cultural life.

The period also has shown the big potential in defense of democracy. It was for the first time in the history of independent India that a Government dismissed by the Center had to be restored under pressure of the people, as happened in Andhra Pradesh.

The Left Front Governments of West Bengal and Tripura have played an important role in arousing the consciousness of the peasantry. No state in the country can compare with the relief which the peasantry in these states got through the policies of these governments backed by the peasant movement. These policies are having their impact on the rest of the country. Unfortunately they are not being sufficiently popularized and made the basis of our campaigns and struggles.

Let us discuss the policies and measures of the Government with particular reference to the peasantry, and how far we have been able to implement the decisions of the last conference. Let us take stock of the situation we are facing concretely on the peasant front.

The twenty fourth conference of the All India Kisan Sabha was held nearly three years after Congress-I had returned back to power, in the 1980 elections, with the promise to form a Government “that works”, to check price rise and to solve the problem of poverty and growing inequality. Thinking that people had forgotten about the gross failure of the Emergency-time 20-Point Programme, it resorted to fresh maneuvers of announcing a new 20-Point Programme on the completion of one year of its rule in 1981 and drafted a new Sixth Five Year Plan, to make “a direct assault” on poverty. But as the General Secretary’s report pointed out, “nearly three years’ rule of the Indira Gandhi regime has proved that whatever may be the slogan and claims made by it, the Congress-I Government is not able either to solve any problem of the toiling people or to take the country out of the morass of the crisis. They are more and more resorting to attacks on democratic rights and are threatening to change the constitution and make it more authoritarian”.

The Report pointed out that in both the new 20 Point Programme and Sixth Plan the land reforms have been given up without which it is the impossible to tackle crisis of the economy.

After analyzing the main features of prevailing agrarian structure the report laid down the tasks of mobilizing the peasantry against war drive of U. S. imperialism, in defense of democratic rights, to popularize the central slogan of land to tiller, for protection of the interest of the tenants and sharecroppers, for remunerative prices for peasants’ produce, for debt- relief, against tax burdens, for the protection of the rights of the tribal, in support of the implementation of minimum wages for agricultural workers, granting house-sites and against caste and social oppression and against the communal and divisive forces. It called upon its units to organize united struggles on these issues and develop unity of the peasantry including the agricultural workers as well as worker-peasant alliance.

CKC meeting in April 1983 called upon all state units to held land reform conventions, jointly with other peasant organizations to highlight the urgent necessity of undertaking land reform legislations on the lines of West Bengal Land Reform (Second Amendment) Bill and suggest amendments in the existing legislations in each state and build campaigns for their enactment.

When nearly eighteen months after the Midnapore conference, we met again on 3-4 April, 1984, at Sultanpur in AIKC meeting, we came to the conclusion after a thorough review of the developments, in the intervening period that, “Congress-I Government is determined to pass on the burden of the crisis on to the shoulders of the peasantry, thus aggravating the deep agrarian crisis”.

The Sultanpur AIKC resolution “On Mass Campaigns”, pointed out that “instead of giving relief to the peasantry” more and more burdens on them in the form of hikes in bus and railway fairs, electricity and irrigation rates and excise duties are being imposed by the government. Prices of consumer goods and agricultural inputs were rising but peasants were not getting remunerative prices for their produce. The miseries of the peasantry were further compounded by natural calamities like Hoods, droughts and cyclones, which were becoming more and more devastating as the years rolled by due to faulty policies of the planning. Indebtedness was growing and so was poverty and unemployment. Denied even the legally fixed minimum wages, the agricultural workers were increasingly becoming victims of atrocities by the muscle-men of landlords, particularly in the Congress-I ruled states of U. P., Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.

The Sultanpur resolution further pointed out that “discontent amongst the peasantry is growing and the communal and divisive forces are trying to divert the discontent into disruptive channels”, while the Government “instead of solving these problems, is resorting to suppression of democratic rights”. The growing discontent was leading to further isolation of Central ruling party from the masses and its defeat in elections. Andhra Pradesh and Karnatak— hitherto considered to be considered to be impregnable fortress of Congress-I—had fallen. In its effort to keep its monopoly of power, it resorts to a toppling game which had brought to the fore the problem of center-state relations. The AIKC directed its units to mobilize the peasants and other political parties and peasant organizations to reverse the anti-people policies of the Congress-I Government. A 12-point charter of immediate demands of the peasantry was drawn up by the AIKC at Sultanpur, around which these struggles were to develop.

The ruling party refused to draw any lesson from its ignominious defeats in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka elections and in several other bye-elections held in 1983. It failed to even learn from the roll back in its toppling game that people of country forced on it, in Andhra Pradesh. The ruling party took full advantage of the sympathy wave created after the dastardly assassination of Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi, to win the lok Sabha elections in the end of 1984 with four-fifth majority, and the new Rajiv Gandhi Government, began to translate more nakedly the World Bank directives in its budgetary policies.

These directives, which were called, “conditionalities” attached to the IMF loan of Rs. 5000 crores, include withdrawals of subsidies on food and such essential inputs as fertilizers, enhancement of electricity rates, hikes in postal or railway fare and freight charges as well as in bus-fares, more and more indirect taxes, etc. Under these directives, food-grain allocation to different states under the food-for-work programme were curtailed and the programme was allowed to be scuttled (to be renamed later on as NREP in 1980. Allocations have again been increased since last year.)

The two budgets presented by the Rajiv Gandhi Government till now, faithfully continued to follow these directives.

The 1985-86 Railway Budget enhanced railway fares and freight charges to bring in Rs. 500 crores of additional revenue, while the General Budget imposed a burden of more than Rs. 1100 crores through additional excise duties imposed on items like petroleum products (including kerosene oil), printing and writing paper, cement, vegetable products, bidis, soaps, etc. These heavy imposts were accompanied by concession to the tune of about Rs. 1000 crores in income and corporate taxes to industrialists and richer sections of population. A heavy deficit of Rs. 3349 crores, which became Rs. 4490 crores by the time of presentation of revised budget, led to an alround increase in market prices, which in turn led to further impoverishment of the masses. The few sops thrown here and there for poorer and middle sections in the budget to create an illusion that ‘benefits’ have been evenly distributed amongst the people as a whole, were more than offset by these rising prices and heavy additional tax burdens that were imposed. The schemes, announced with so much fanfare to benefit the masses, are as yet a non-starter, while allocations for poverty alleviation schemes were actually cut down by Rs. 9 crores.

The 1986-87 budget imposed additional indirect taxes amounting to Rs. 467.22 crores while the hike in direct taxes was only by a paltry Rs. 21 crores. The Railway Budget which had thrown an additional burden of Rs. 500 crores in the 1985-86, added Rs. 76 crores more to this burden in the current year. As has become the practice in recent years, these budget imposts were preceded by per-budget hikes in administered prices of coal and fertilizers and issue prices of wheat and rice from Public Distribution System, to yield an additional revenue of Rs. 700 crores along with a massive hike in prices of petroleum products (including kerosene oil) throwing another big burden of Rs. 800 crores on the people. Thus the per-budget and budget imposts together add upto a colossal additional burden of about Rs. 2000 crores, out of which the direct taxes of Rs. 21 crores constitute a burden of less than 10 per cent of total. This burden is once again accompanied by a massive deficit of Rs. 4490 crores, which only promises that the trend of rising prices will continue. The hikes in petroleum product (including fertilizer) prices and issue prices of foodgrains, is in line with the World Bank directives to reduce subsidies on food and fertilizer and is being most shamefacedly justified on the same ground by the Government spokesmen. The fresh hike actually withdraws certain concessions on fertilizers, given two years back when fertilizer consumptions failed to rise to the desired extent, putting all the calculations about expected rise in food- grain production under the Sixth Plan in jeopardy, and now fertilizer prices are once again about 64 per cent above the 1980-81 prices.

Total additional burdens including the budget deficit, in the 1986-87 budget amount to massive Rs. 5650 crores which is nearly three times the increase in budget allocations for plan expenditure. Thus the additional heavy burdens are being imposed on the poor, not merely for financing the plans but more so for providing more and more concession to exporters, monopolists, rural landlords, etc. as part of the efforts to sustain a crisis ridden bankrupt path of capitalist development.

These additional burdens imposed by Central budget are accompanied by thousands of crores of other back-breaking burdens imposed by state governments in the form of hikes of bus fares, electricity rates, irrigation rates and other hikes which have taken place several times in each state during the last three years.

The Seventh Plan prepared and being implemented by the Rajiv Gandhi Government, carries forward the same policies of trying; to develop agriculture through use of modern technology and inputs, and claiming to solve the problems of poverty and unemployment without ending outmoded relations in land and without unleashing the creative energies of landless peasantry.

Like its predecessor, VII Plan too pays lip service to the need of implementing land reforms in the following words :—

“Land reforms have been recognized to constitute a vital element both in terms of the anti-poverty strategy and for the modernization and increased productivity in agriculture. Redistribution of land could provide a permanent asset for a large number of rural land-based and other supplementary activities”.

But unlike VI Plan, it is not frank enough to admit that ceiling laws have failed and had only a “minimal” effect on monopoly of landownership, and does not even say that the deliberately left “loopholes” have to be plugged and land reform measures have to be pursued further if “we are to tackle effectively the problems of poverty and inequality”. It has not. the honesty to tell us that only the W. Bengal Left Front Government made a serious effort to plug the loopholes in the existing law, and it is the Central Government which prevented the Amending Bill to become law for more than four years. It repeats the proposals of Sixth Plan “for securing the rights of tenants to land and regulation of rent” where this has not been done and where tenancy, although abolished, “may have re-emerged informally for a variety of reasons”. It, however, does not tell us that none of the states which had been named had taken any measure to enact tenancy laws for this purpose. Similarly, while the VII Plan recommends surveys for recording and registration of tenants with maximum involvement of the local community and people’s institutions”, it does not tells us that the VI Plan recommendations of compiling/updating of land record by 1985, was simply ignored by all states, except Left Front ruled W. Bengal and Tripura, which carried out Barga Operations, to record sharecroppers.

The VII Plan tells us that under all existing laws beginning wit It fifties, only 7.2 million acres have been declared surplus and out of it 5.6 million acres have been taken over and only 1.4 million acres actually distributed. This, as we know, is about 7 per cent of the surplus estimated—63 million acres—by the Mahalanobis Committee in 1976 after the first round of ceiling laws were enacted and about one-fifth of surplus estimate on the basis of data made available by NSS 26th Round. But VII Plan is not worried about this howling failure of our Government to undertake radical land reforms. They only tell us that out of 2.0 million acres declared surplus but not distributed, 1.06 million acres are involved in litigation, 0.89 million acres is reserved for specific public purpose and only 0.3 million acres is left for distribution. Our planners know that the Government and the ruling party, for political reasons, does not want to disgorge from landlords even that land which they have fraudulently “saved” through benarni transaction and by utilizing the various loopholes deliberately left by the ruling party, in the ceiling legislation. So where to get land from? The VII Plan points out that 4.2 million acres of land was donated to Bhoodan Yagna Committee, out of which only 1.3 million acre has so far been distributed and 2.9 million acres have no taker because “the state governments have not taken any initiative for the development of these lands even where they are in compact blocks”. Then there are 16.7 million hectares or about 42.4 million acres of culture-able waste land, “the development and utilization of which is not being mentioned. Some states have been distributing waste lands but the total picture is not clear”. The Seventh Plan suggests that “there is thus an urgent need to bring both these categories into a comprehensive re-distributive land reform policy with appropriate measures for enforcement and monitoring”.

But redistribution to whom? This land, a total of more than 45 million acres, in its present state, is unfit for cultivation and requires heavy investment, over a number of years, to be made available for profitable cultivation. That is exactly why it has not attracted our “land grabbers” belonging to powerful landlord elements in the countryside, who exist in all states. Would the Government develop it and distribute it among the landless and poor peasants? One would search in vain the Seventh Plan document for a clear cut declaration or even a hint about any commitment by the Government to do so. On the other hand there are proposals before the Government to hand over large chunks of these lands, where they exist in compact blocks, to big business houses, who are ready to make investments for growing forests, to provide raw materials for forest based industries or for diversifying into other plantation industries, using modem technology to grow oilseeds, rubber or other commercial crops.

Hence “appropriate measures” under “a comprehensive re-distributive land reforms policy” under their latest VII Plan Connotation, means only bringing cultivable waste land under the plough to increase nation’s land stock and add to the nation’s kitty of fond-grains and cash crops, after completely abandoning any talk of land reforms, that may touch the present holdings of landlords. Agricultural workers and poor peasants cannot invest in developing this land and VII Plan has made no allocations for developing these lands, the only alternative left, if the VII Plan target of speeding up growth of agricultural production is to be achieved, would be to accept the offer of big industrial houses, of course in “national interest”.

let us now see what is the “strategy” proposed by VII Plan for increasing food-production, without implementing land reforms.

The food grain production is to be raised from 150 million tonnes in 1984-85 to 178-183 million tonnes in 1989-90, the end year of the Seventh Plan.

The plan documents points out that as against the VI Plan target of 44 million tonnes, 45 million tonnes of wheat was produced in 1984-86. But the target of producing 68.4 million tonnes of rice could not be achieved and only 60 million tonnes could be produced. Similarly, target of producing 14.50 million tonnes of pulses could not be achieved and in 1984-85 only 13 million tonnes of pulses were produced.

The VII Plan document also tells us that “less than 15 per cent of the area under food grains in the country contributed as much as 56 per cent of the increase in food grains production in the post-green revolution period”. Eastern region which accounts for 67 per cent of the total rice area, contributed only 50 per cent of the country’s’ rice production. Nearly 70 per cent of the country’s’ net sown area is rain-fed and it produces only 4.1 per cent of the food grains while the remaining 57 per cent is produced in 30 per cent of the area with assured means of irrigation.

Taking Into consideration this inter-crop and inter-regional disparity, the VII Plan sums up its strategy as follows :—

“Broadening the base of agricultural growth and modernization through infrastructure development, e.g. irrigation drainage, roads, markets and credit institutions in the less development regions, extension of new technology, particularly breakthrough in dry-land farming, afforestation and appropriate prices and procurement policies for crop as essential for accelerating the growth of agricultural output and for correcting inter-regional, inter-crop and inter-class disparities.”

Apart from bringing about 37 million hectares of hitherto uncultivated land (17 million culture able waste land and 20 million current and old fallows) under the plough, the Seventh Plan relies on creating irrigation potential on an additional 11 million hectares for achieving the target of food grain production. The “green revolution” hitherto confined to Punjab, Haryana and Western U.P. will be imported to paddy growing areas of Eastern region comprising of Eastern U.P., Bihar, Orissa, W. Bengal and North Eastern States. With intensified research efforts it is hoped to achieve a breakthrough in developing viable dry land farming techniques and and oilseed production. Special efforts will be made to help development of small and marginal farmers. None of these pro-grammes and schemes are new and have been in operation under different names for quite a number of years, without having any appreciable impact on either developing the economy of small and marginal farmers, or farming in dry land areas or in oilseeds production. It is difficult to understand how the poor peasant in Eastern region, where at least half of the cultivated land is devastated by floods every year, with nearly 60 per cent of holdings below 1 acre each, oppressed by landlords, moneylenders and corrupt bureaucrats, would be able to use adequate quantities of costly inputs and green revolution techniques in a sufficiently big way, unless radical land reform measures free them from the shackles of outmoded land relations, domination of landed interests on the rural life, monopoly of landownership is broken and through redistribution land is place in their hands as a durable asset to overcome their poverty. With the threat of devastation by flood and drought always hanging over their heads and no hope of obtaining any relief worth its name, even those who can afford to make some investments, will not be willing to take risk in the form of adopting costly new technology. It is obvious that only a small section of well-to-do farmers in these areas, will be able to improve their agricultural production, thus intensifying disparity in the region between the richer and poorer sections amongst the peasantry.

In the strategy to increase food grain production, “appropriate prices and procurement policies for crops” have been given an important place “as essential for accelerating the growth of agricultural output and for correcting inter-regional, inter-crop and inter-class disparities”, as already mentioned. But it should be noted that aim of prices and procurement policies is not to ensure a remunerative price to the producer. These policies are aimed at correcting “imbalances” in production. Take cotton as an example. At one time India was importing long staple cotton, and farmers were encouraged to grow these varieties—Suvin, Sankar-4, Varlakshmi, etc. Heavy investments were made by them to produce these varieties, particularly in areas freshly brought under cultivation like Nagarjun Sagar Project in Andhra and Malprabha Project in Karnataka. India became an exporter of these varieties earning up to Rs. 250 crores in foreign exchange. But now mill-owners do not want it and want the farmers to produce medium varieties, although it is less profitable. At their command Government has not increased the support prices of long staple varieties for last 3 years although prices of other varieties have been increased. The surplus Ion g staple variety is not being allowed to be exported under pressure from mill-owners so that its price may go further down in internal markets. Wheat growers of Punjab are being asked to grow medium staple cotton as Government has ample stocks of wheat. Tobacco growers are being asked in Andhra and Karnataka to reduce areas under tobacco and so on. The result is that, besides farmers suffering big losses in income, the planning in production of cash crops has become a big hoax. In Sixth Plan period, due to this pricing policy production of cash crops like sugarcane, cotton, jute, etc. fluctuated widely from year to year, with one bumper crop year being followed by low production years, not because of any natural calamity but because growers did not get a proper price. The VII Plan admits that “production of sugarcane to a large extent was influenced by the sugar policy and the price paid for sugarcane by sugar factories”.

So the Seventh Plan may lead to some increase in production, but it cannot end these wide fluctuations in production and uncertainty resulting from that, in the matter of supply of essential raw materials for industry. Instead of removing inter-crop, inter-regional and inter-class disparity, it will further intensify it, with poverty of millions of poor peasants remaining untouched and benefits going to a small section of upper fringes of producers of agricultural commodities.

In 1985, according to a statement made by Mr. Yogendra Makwana Minister State of For Agriculture, in Rajya Sabha in December 1985, due to natural calamities like droughts, floods hailstorm, heavy rains in 19 states and Union Territories, about 57.2 million population was affected, 1422 men lost their lives, about 2 million houses were damaged and crops over 4.28 million hectares were lost.

In another note to Consultative Committee of Parliament Members attached to Ministry of Agriculture, prepared for its meeting on 25.10.85, the Ministry informed the Committee members that up to the end of September 1985 as many as 12 states were victims of severe drought while 17 were affected by floods, heavy rains, cyclones, hailstorm, etc. Drought affected 18.8 million hectares of cropped area and a population of 8.82 millions, killing about 61 million cattle, while floods affected a population of 35 million, destroyed crops over 2.26 million hectares in 22,771 villages. Heavy rains and floods damaged 11,66,081 houses, killed 839 persons and 23104 heads of cattle. The total loss to public property was estimated to be of Rs. 460 t fores, while damage to crop was estimated to be of the order of Rs. 215 crores.

The newspaper reports tell us about severe drought conditions in Rajasthan, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and parts of Maharashtra. In Rajasthan 27000 villages out of 34000, in Karnataka 17 out of 19 districts and 17685 villages, in Maharashtra 7855 villages out of 39000 villages in 14 districts, in Madhya Pradesh 27 out of 45 districts and in Gujarat 3300 out of 4000 villages in 3 districts were worst affected. While severe drought conditions were prevailing tn the rest of the state, in Thalawar district of Rajasthan, in 743 villages heavy rains and hailstorm killed 1320 cattle and destroyed crops over 24320 hectares.

In Bihar, in 1984, heavy floods affected 10.5 crores of people residing in 8097 villages in 23 districts. The damage to crops over 11.56 lakh hectares was estimated to be of Rs. 89.3 crores. More than one lakh houses were damaged, 110 men and 37 cattle perished, and damage to public property was estimated to be of the order of Rs. 88.2 crores.

Floods, droughts, hailstorm and in some states cyclones have become more and more devastating as the years pass. The Rashtriya Barh Ayog (National Flood Commission), in its report submitted in March 1980, gave figures to show that in every succeeding decade average yearly loss to crops and private and public property is rising rapidly and has now reached nearly Rs. 2000 crores per year.

Worst sufferers of both floods and droughts are always agricultural laborers and poor peasants who generally cultivate marginal and rain fed lands m low lying areas. The Government relief does not reach them and, after flood waters recede, epidemics claim widespread mortality amongst men and cattle in the affected areas.

It is beyond the capacity of states to cope with the problem of relief in a situation of such colossal losses and they have to approach the center for aid to provide relief. But the experience is that center takes too long a time to assess the damages and fix the quantum of assistance which is always a small fraction of the amount sought by state governments. For 1982-83 and 1983-84 the Tamil Nadu Government requested for an assistance of Rs. 219.45 crores and the center gave only Rs. 68.36 crores.

The Primes of India editorial dated 27th May, 1985, tells us that nine severely drought affected states (Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, U.P., Orissa and Himachal) asked for an assistance amounting to a total of Rs. 1500 crores but were given only Rs. 200 crores. Bulk of even this meagres amount is wasted or swallowed by inefficient and corrupt bureaucrats and whatever little remains is distributed in a very discriminatory manner, with the result that the most needy never get anything.

No effort has so far been made to tame the rivers despite the suggestions made by the Rashtriya Barh Ayog and several plans have been prepared by various Boards constituted for different rivers—Brahmaputra, Ganga, Jamuna, etc. Heavy deforestation in the hills from where the rivers originate, causes lot of silt to flow down and get deposited in plains when the ground through which rivers flow, becomes plane. The river beds rise and, in periods of heavy precipitation, water overflows the banks and inundates vast areas, destroying crops and huts, washing away everything that the victim population has. This deforestation, as we know, is the work of contractors, in league with forest officials, who fell more trees than they contract for. In the name of conservation of forests, forest dwellers are being driven out and deprived of their living, while the denudation of forests by contractors continues.

In the name of flood control, some embankments are constructed to save the cropped areas and villages, but due to bad maintenance they prove to be totally fragile and are washed away in the first round of heavy rains and overflow of water, even the construction of these flood control projects is so tardy that the Sixth Plan target of protecting 4 million hectares of flood prone land, was fulfilled only by half.

After spending about Rs. 20 thousand crores up to the end of the Sixth Plan, only 67.9 million hectares of irrigation potential has been created out of a net sown area of 143 million hectares. Actual utilization is, however, only over 60.41 million hectares. About 65 percent of our cropped area is as yet rain fed.

Out of the 65 major irrigation projects started before 1976 mil under construction at the beginning of the Sixth Plan, only 25 were actually completed and rest have been spilled over to VII and subsequent Plans. The time over-runs of 10 to 25 years escalates the costs five to six times, and cost of providing irrigation potential to each hectare of land is rising steeply, with is result that interest charges on capital investments in irrigation projects have become a heavy burden on the peasantry, which are constantly rising. The lack of allocation of sufficient funds, inefficiency and corruption prevailing in the irrigation projects is the main reason for failure to meet the drought situation, while the rising irrigation rates and levies are responsible for increasing costs of production in agriculture to a considerable extent.

Due to the anti-kisan, pro-landlord and pro-monopoly policies of the Congress Government poverty of the people went on increasing, and in 1980 the Central Government came out with a slogan to make a “direct assault” on poverty and include special poverty alleviation schemes like IRDP, NREP, etc. in the VI Plan. This Plan aimed at reducing the proportion of people living below the poverty line from 51 to 30 percent, but the actual achievement now claimed is that by the end of VI’ Plan the proportion came down to 37 percent.

Surveys conducted by RBI, IFMR, NABARDD and PEG (of Planning Commission) express doubt on this claim. Now Department of Rural Development is carrying on its evaluation, and latest evaluation pertaining to figures supplied by different states for December 1985 are very revealing (See Indian Express, 22.3.85). According to this evaluation hardly 10 percent of those covered belonged to the category of poor and only five percent of those assisted could cross the poverty line. Out of about 300 million poor located in 1980 only 15 million household or 75 million persons were assisted. Even if 10 percent of these crossed the poverty line, which means that 7.5 million were no longer poor, the percentage of poor to the entire population could have gone down from 51 percent to only 49-50 percent. As has been brought out by PEO study at least 50 percent of those who are reported to have been uplifted out of poverty, will require a second dose.

These studies have revealed many weaknesses in the implementation of IRDP, viz. heavy incidence of wrong identification, outright leakages of funds through corruption, a uniform basis for financial allocation per block without regard for its size of population or proportion of poor in it, absence of backward and forward linkages, apathetic attitude of banks to poor loan applicants, overwhelming bias towards milch cattle without regard to availability of fodder, veterinary services or market for milk and milk products, non-involvement of people and peoples’ institutions in various stages of implementation, and so on.

The Seventh Plan aims at assisting 20 million households and, if the proportion of those getting lifted out of poverty remains the same 5-10 percent, the impact on poverty will continue to be marginal, even if we assume that other factors which create and magnify poverty will not operate, which is certainly not the reality.

Under NREP an average of 355 million Man-days of employment was generated during the Vi Plan. If 273 days of employment is taken to be a standard year of employment this causes to giving employment to about 17 lakh persons out of about four crores rural unemployed. Hence this programme though giving some relief to unemployed and underemployed during the lean period, does not even touch the fringe of the problem. The target of providing at least 400 million man-days of employment per year, could not be achieved despite spending larger and larger sums per year, because average expenditure in creating one man-day of employment increased from Rs. 5.25 in 1980-81 to Rs. 14.74 in 1984-85, i.e. almost trebled. Hence, when the Finance Minister says that budget allocation for 1986-87 is increased by 93 percent as compared to 1985-86, it should be taken with a pinch of salt because to create the same number of man days of employment in 1986-87 as were created in 1980-81, three times (and not 93 percent) more the money as compared to 1980-81 is required. Hence, despite increased allocations, lesser number of man days are likely to be actually created in VII Plan. We, of course, know that the Government figures are not very reliable and even the Public Account Committee of Lok Sabha has pointed out cases when money allocated for NREP was spent in purchasing crockery, providing air-conditioners in Dak Bungalows for officers, for constructing and repairing Government buildings, etc. There is a widespread complaint that muster rolls are inflated and wages in the form of grain are not paid often for months. Despite strictly laid down guidelines, NREP projects are even now being entrusted to contractors who pay less wages than recorded in books.

Despite all these criticisms, the AIKC meeting at Sultanpur (U.P.) in the beginning of March 1984, demanded that allocations for NREP be increased, persons engaged under NREP should in no case be paid less than the statutory fixed minimum, and all these weaknesses be removed to make the scheme more effective in giving some relief.

It is also to be noted that despite the fact that’ Government go-downs are bursting with an all-time high stocks of about 30 million tonnes of food grains, the allocated grain is not being fully utilized for paying wages. Even if 1/3 of this huge stock is utilized to pay even 2 kg. of grain in wages per day. 5000 million man days of employment can be generated which will be at least 12 times more than the present amount. This amount of labor can be easily utilized to build roads, school buildings, command areas development, planting trees, soil conservation projects, etc. But the amount of food grains utilized to pay part of the wages in kind went down from 13.34 lakh tonns during 1980-81 to 1.5 lakh tonnes in 1983-84 and 1.4 lakh tonnes in 1984-85 (up to the end of February 1985). And now the Government proposes to raise the amount to be utilized to 2 million tonnes only.

The pro-landlord and anti-kisan policies of the Government are resulting in the further deepening of the agrarian crisis which is manifested in growing landlessness, increase in disparities, both inter-regional and inter-sectional in the same region, extremely low level of per capita consumption of food grains despite increasing production and burgeoning stocks held by the Government, growing poverty and unemployment despite all the poverty alleviation schemes, and growing indebtedness which finds reflection partly in growth of overdue in institutional credit supplied to agricultural sector and so on.

The VII Five Year Plan tells us that :

“The bulk of increase in output, particularly food grains has, been concentrated in a few regions which are well endowed with infrastructure like surface irrigation, rural electrification, roads, and markets and where farmers are resourceful in terms of their capacity to invest and bear risk”.

So only more developed areas developed still further and only more “resourceful” farmers with capacity to invest alone were able to increase their production.

In these developed regions :

“the marketed surpluses have been rising at a high rate, resulting in the accumulation of large stocks with the Government, especially when there is succession of good monsoons, while per capita consumption of food grains in the country has not been rising appreciably”.

The Agricultural Census of 1980-81 revealed that between 1976-77 and 1980-81, number of operational holdings of sizes up to 1 hectare increased by about 6 million (from 44.52 million to 50.52 million) and their proportion to total number of operational holdings was 56.5 percent of land holders in 1980-81 as compared to 54.6 percent in 1976-77. These holdings together held 10.7 percent land in 1976-77 and 12.2 percent in 1980-81. Out of them holdings up to 0.5 hectares (or 1.25 acres) were 36.8 percent in number occupying only 4.3 per cent of land in 1976-77. The all-India figures for 1980-81 are not available but their proportion can be assumed to be about 40 percent and number to be about 36 million. The proportion in number and area for some states in 1980-81 was as below :

In 1983 it was claimed that institutional credit of about Rs. 5500 crores in round figures, supplied about 40 per cent of the rural credit needs. From this we can infer that rural indebted- was somewhat about Rs. 13000 crores. In 1951-52 the first Rural Credit Survey reported an indebtedness of about Rs. 750 crores which means that indebtedness has gone up by about 17 times in a little over three decades.

According to the Report of Reserve Bank of India “Report “on Trend and Progress of Banking in India (1984-85)” about 56 percent of the branches of Scheduled Banks were in the rural areas but the total advances to agriculture, which is considered lo be a priority sector, were only 16 per cent of the total. This means that even the bulk of credits mobilized in rural areas is handed over to industrialists and wholesale traders. Hardly 1 percent of these credits goes to weaker sections.

The Seventh Plan bemoans that overdue position of financial Institutions, catering to the credit needs of the rural areas is very unsatisfactory—for Primary credit societies it is 40 to 42 per cent, for commercial Banks 47 per cent and for Regional Rural Banks 49.6 percent. The Plan ascribes it to “willful default” by the cultivators and accuses “some cooperatively progressive states like Maharashtra and Gujarat” for setting up a “bad example” by writing off agricultural loans and by providing subsidies. They do not understand that over dues have something to do with the worsening conditions of peasantry and even the rich and middle peasants find it hard to clear their dues in time, as they are not getting remunerative prices for their produce as well as because they are suffering tremendous losses due to natural calamities like droughts, floods and cyclones, etc.

The AIKS has been demanding a comprehensive Crop Insurance Scheme to cover unforeseen losses by cultivators. In 1979 a pilot scheme was introduced in W. Bengal, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu. By the end of VI Plan it was extended to 12 states. Up to the end of March 1984 about 6,23,000 cultivators over 6,92.000 hectares were benefited by this scheme. Only 1 hectare out of 200 hectares of cultivated land was thus covered which hardly had any impact on the situation.

Finance Minister announced in the 1985-86 budget that the scheme will be taken up in a phased manner soon and, to start with paddy, wheat, millets, pulses and oilseeds will be covered. But so far it is a non-starter and with the paltry amounts allocated for it, is hardly likely that the scheme will be able to have an effective impact on agriculture.

On the other hand Government is bent upon throwing more burdens of the crisis on the peasantry. One form of this attempt, is heaping burdens of indirect taxes on the people which we have already mentioned. The second big prong of this attack is the price-mechanism which is being mentioned below.

The Government has launched a new intensified offensive to deny the growers of agricultural produce, both of food grains like wheat and paddy and commercial crops like jute, cotton, sugarcane, coconut, rubber, oilseeds, etc.

The 26th Conference of State Kisan Sabha was held at Pandua (Dist. Hoogli) in October 1982. The state was then passing through a devastating drought. It engulfed 25,000 villages in 281 Blocks.

This time again the Central Government, instead of supplying additional quota of food grains to meet this grave situation, decreased the supply. Moreover the Center, far from coming to the aid of drought victims, took an unusually delaying attitude in the matter of granting aid in money and in kind.

The Kisan Sabha carried on a tearing campaign throughout the length and breadth of the state, organized numerous mass meetings, demonstration, etc., demanding more money and food from the Central Government and exposing the callousness on their part in this respect. As a result of this campaign the Kisan masses fought back the serious drought situation and attained great success.

The Kisan Sabha organized campaigns on remunerative prices:-

The Kisan sabha units have been active in this Left Front ruled state to secure speedy and effective implementation of various land reforms and other relief giving measures of the government like recording of sharecroppers, updating of land records, etc., and to overcome the pathy of the bureaucracy.

Activities during the period widened. Campaigns were carried on statewide as well as on local issues.

Among the statewide issues, campaigns were carried on endowment land issue and land reforms. In Andhra 3 lakh tenants of Temple and Endowment Trust Lands are exempted from the benefits of tenancy laws. A joint convention with CPI led Kisan Sabha was held in 1984 which passed a detailed resolution suggesting amendments to existing ceiling laws. Promises to amend laws, relating to temple land, are not fulfilledby NTR Govt. so far. The movement was organized unitedly with Agricultural Labour Union. In 50 centres 17 thousand people participated. Attempts by landlords to bypass ceiling laws and save land are being resisted. In Munagala about 1500 acres of land was saved for peasants by united resistance, together with CPI and TDP workers.

To implement record of rights act and issue of pass books to farmers, in Nalgonda district; movement was organized by issuing 12 thousand pamphlets and squads toured a number of villages which was able to force the authorities to register the facts in the records.

In 1982-83, there was a serious drought, acute shortage of drinking water and shortage of cattle fodder. Crops were largely affected. Kisan Sabha demanded that state be declared a drought zone.

Kisan Sabha organized drought conferences in six districts. On 24.3.83 nearly 300 leaders and workers of all Kisan organizations conducted a one-day protest hunger strike in the state capital, Madras.

Inspite of persisting communal tension, activities of extremists and restrictions imposed by the Government, Punjab Kisan Sabha has been continuously agitating for the demands of the Kisan, independently as well as through united movements.

Assam Kisan Sabha has been working in an abnormal situation. In many places of the state free movement of Kisan Sabha workers is not possible as yet. Threats, assaults, and fines up to Rs. 5 thousand are still continuing. Workers of the Kisan Sabha alone killed by the hoodlums of anti-foreigners movement are —Comrades Dina Kalta, Dhireswar Nala, Ranjan Gohain, Kailash Kalta, Sailen Rajbansi, Susen Das, Bhupen Roy, Rustom Ali, Anil Pathak, Ananta Kalita, Habij Ali, Kamal Kalita and Bolo Borua. Houses of many Kisan Sabha workers were burnt down and destroyed. Many Kisan Sabha members along with their families had to leave their homes and took shelter in other places. The Assam accord of 15th August, 1985 has created more distrust and discord among the people.

In this abnormal situation the following movements were organized and carried on :—

1. Anti-eviction movement-against Forest Department as well as against the landlords. Meetings and demonstrations were conducted in some areas and as a result eviction was stopped.

After the formation of AGP Government, large scale eviction has started, throughout the state. It is now the major problem before the peasantry there. Kisan Sabha has already organized movements in some areas.

1. Movement for flood relief is being organized every year as Assam is virtually a land of floods.
2. For irrigation facilities—only 14 percent of agricultural lands in Assam is so far irrigated. Movement was also organized for compensation of land acquired by Irrigation Department.
3. On the demands of fishermen.
4. On the demands of sugarcane growers—demand for remunerative prices ; conventions were organized in Jorhat and Karimganj.
5. On unprecedented fall of raw jute prices, demonstrations were organized in many places demanding fair prices and monopoly purchase by J.C.I.
6. For supply of essential commodities like rice, atta, kerosene, sugar, paper, common cloth, etc. at fair prices, demonstrations were organized in many places.
7. For the demands of agricultural workers, where their number is increasing very rapidly in the state, campaigns are being run.
8. The most important event of our movement in Assam in recent days, during unprecedented terror and mass killing—was the state wide rally held on the 23rd of March, 1984 at Gauhati at the call of Kisan Sabha where thousand of Kisans marched from the districts, defying terror, etc.
9. After Sultanpur A1KC meeting, Kisan Sabha in the state organized state wide campaign on the Charter of Demands adopted there.

In Assam, Tenancy Act has not been amended since 1973 and the present AGP government does not talk about it. While 3 lakh acres of ceiling surplus land has been distributed, 8 lakh acres of land are still available with the government but are not being distributed. Tea gardens have 40 lakh acres of land out of which only 26 per cent is being utilized for tea plantations. Hut the government, instead of taking this land for distribution, is returning back to tea garden owners even the ceiling surplus land. We arc taking up all these questions to demand distribution of available surplus land, but the government instead of distributing land is helping landlords to launch an eviction offensive in the name of driving out foreign nationals. We are also demanding recording of nearly 8 lakhs of sharecroppers who areas yet not recorded and are facing threats of ejectment.

It is the championing the cause of landless and poor peasants and agricultural workers that has enabled us to grow in spite of most difficult conditions. We have work in 700 villages. PKC centre is weak and unable to give day to day guidance. There in some functioning up to district level but not below it.

Large number of landless agricultural workers and poor peasants cultivating land, which is now transferred to forest department from Revenue (C&D) land, are facing evictions. Clashes have started with forest officials. Kisan Sabha is running a campaign to demand regularization of their possession, through demonstrations and dharnas, etc.

Picketing on this question was organized with CITU support on 11.7.84 in which 30,000 were arrested.

Eighteen out of nineteen districts in Karnataka are in the grip of a severe drought affecting 19700 villages in 110 talukas.

A convention on problem of drought affected peasantry was held in Raichur in 1984 to identify permanent projects which, if undertaken, will alleviate to a great extent sufferings of people of drought prone areas.

With the help of CITU Kisan Sabha workers are collecting fodder, foodgrains, money for drought affected districts.

Kisan Sabha helped AWU workers in organizing dharnas at district centres in June and July 1985. Revision of minimum wages for agricultural workers has not been done for last six years. There is no implementation machinery or body for agitating for upward revision of wages of all unorganized workers.

A state convention was convened in June 1984 at Bangalore and on 9th August. 1985 statewide picketing was organized at all Government offices. On 3rd March, 1986 there was a demonstration of unorganized workers at Bangalore, including agricultural workers, Labor Minister, addressing the rally, promised upward revision up to Rs. 8.80 per day (from Rs. 5.60 to Rs. 7.60 per day at present).

Dharnas and gheraoes for 15-20 days were organized on the demands for more water at the tail end of canals. Some crops could be saved due to our agitation.

For accumulated arrears of cooperative and government loans it was demanded that supply of increased amount as credit and conversion of short term to medium term loans be arranged. The agitation has resulted in writing off of such loans -Rs. 50 crores in 1983 and Rs. 20 crores in 1986.

In 1984 a cotton growers’ convention was organized in Raichur attended by Comrade Santimoy Ghosh.

Government is launching a drive to evict or fix heavy charges on persons occupying land for living in huts erected on them. A joint convention, several demonstrations and dharnas were held to demand regularization of these possessions.

Janta Party Government, as a result of these agitations, has exempted landholding up to 5 acre as from paying compensation to landlords and made a provision of appeal for decisions of land tribunals through an amendment to existing land laws.

An agitation is going on demanding reduction of high electricity rates and regular supply of electricity.

There are 6 Kisan organizations. Apart from two AIKS units, there are two Ryotu Sangams led respectively by Rudrappa and R. Siddappa which are landlord-led organizations. BJP led Bhartiya Kisan Sabha and a Malaprabha Ryota Sangharsha Samitti are other organizations. Apart from AIKS, the CPI led and Rudrappa led organizations are the most active ones.

The statewide bandh of 22nd November, 1985 was joined only by CPI led Kisan Sabha, while in the bundh on 26th February most kisan organizations joined Rudrappa led organization and invited AIKS to join them in the struggle against the Cooperative Amendment Act empowering government to auction cultivated land in payment of arrears of cooperative dues. We joined them. But since Rudrappa converted his Ryotu Sangha into a political party contesting elections his influence is declining.

In 1985 Karnataka had 83960 members. Regular meetings of State Committee and office-bearers are held. Out of 35 members of the State Committee 20 are active. In 10 districts, District Committees are also functioning and in 5 out of these 10 the Taluka Committees also function. Special attention is being given to function village units and local schools are being held at Bangalore, Mangalore and Bijapur. A state level class was addressed by Com. Santimoy Ghosh.

In preparation for Golden Jubilee, meetings are planned to be held in 3000 villages. Pamphlet on history of Karnataka Kisan Sabha is being written along with articles on various struggles.

After the Midnapore conference the issues that were taken up were—relief for drought and flood victims, remunerative prices for sugarcane, wheat, paddy and potato, police atrocities, hikes in electricity tariff, bus fares and irrigation rates, atrocities on Harijans and inadequate and irregular supply of electricity and essential commodities like diesel, kerosine oil, etc., malpractices during consolidation of holding operations, and activities of communal forces, etc. Kisan Sabha workers contested Panchayat elections and won either Pradhanship or Panchayat membership in 750 villages. But our organization could not guide and intervene in their day to day functioning .

A Jail Bharo movement was launched in September 1983.in which about 59000 peasants offered themselves for arrest and about 15000 belonging to about 2000 villages were arrested.

For last few years state Kisan Sabha leadership is insisting that conferences must be held from village upwards according to constitution, and delegates for the next higher level conference must be properly elected in the immediate lower level conference. This has been enforced in 2/3 of district units. But in most places village level committees are not functioning regularly and meet only when some leading comrade visits them.

Membership was 78136 in 1982-83, 87416 in 1983-84 and 76,000 in 1984-85. The decline in 1984-85 was due to elections for Lok Sabha and Assembly. The membership this year is 1 lakhs 23000 and in the 1986-87 it is planned to enrol 3 lakhs members.

In the Golden Jubilee Year, it is planned to hold meetings in 10,000 villages and publish four pamphlets, including translations, about famous struggles like Telangana, Tebhaga, Warli, etc.

In Rajasthan the conditions of drought and famine are problems appearing every year. Condition this year is worse and about 27 thousand villages in 27 districts, with a population of nearly 2.75 crores are facing drought and famine. About 50 thousand cows have perished as a result of lack of fodder.

While due to power cuts factories are closed, the electricity rates have been doubled. A very big section of the peasantry is burdened by debts and usurious moneylenders’ exploitation continues unabated. Instead of attempting relief the government has stepped up exploitation through the medium of its own institutional credit, and amounts up to 10 times the original amount are being collected, and in this realization even the articles of daily use by Kisans are being attached and auctioned.

Kisan Sabha took up all these problems and a demonstration jointly with CPI (M) was held on 14th November, 1983 to highlight the failures of Shiv Charan Mathur Government.

In 1983 there was a struggle in Ganganagar, led by a Kisan Sangharsha Samiti on the question of title deeds, penalties on debts and scarcity of water, in which Kisan Sabha played the main role. Mathur Govt, promised a relief to the tune of Rs 25 crores, but when the matter reached the implementation stage, Kisans were deprived of securing the fulfillment of these demands due to the treachery of Lok Dal and Kisan Union.

On 13th February, 1984 demonstrations were held at all district centres on the problem of Kisans and in the Delhi Peace Rally in March 1984 thousands of Kisans took part.

In 1984 movements were launched in Udaipur, Doonganpur against drought and attachment proceedings by banks in loan realizations. Demonstrations and dharnas were organized and some relief was won in the matter of credit and rent dues.

In Bharatpur six Kisans achieved martyrdom in clashes between peasants and forest employees on the question of grazing of cattle. Representatives of Kisan Sabha visited the area and pressurized the government to hold an inquiry.

In 1985 after the assembly elections the Central Government imposed additional tax burdens of Rs. 1600 crores (Rs. 500 crores in Railway and Rs. 1100 crores in General Budget).

The State Government also did not lag behind. Rs. 100 crores burden was imposed by enhancing electricity tariff, and water and bus rates were enhanced by 50%.

The Opposition parties in Rajasthan decided to oppose these taxation measures inside the Assembly. The government was warned that if these enhancement are not withdrawn a statewide struggle will be launched.

After the session of the Assembly, Opposition parties invited Kisan Sabha to join the movement and fight unitedly. In the meeting we stressed upon the Janata Party, BJP and Lok Dal the seriousness of the issues involved and suggested that a Sangharsha Samiti be formed under the leadership of Janata Party or Lok Dal to maintain the unity of all parties and organizations. But due to the vacillations of Lok Dal and JP, a broad based unity for the struggle of the peasantry could not be built up. Instead of joining the movement under the BJP leadership, we decided to fight separately on the call of Kisan Sangharsha Samiti.

Main issue of this movement was electricity tax. In regions, particularly Sikar, Jhunjhunu, Nagpur and Jaipur, where tube wells are the only source of irrigation, the pressure of the movement was at its peak and the discontent of the peasantry was maximum on this issue.

At the call of our Kisan Sabha itself the Kisans of Sikar, Jhunjhunu and Churu decided not to pay the electricity bills and the district of Sikar took the initiative in conducting the struggle by giving a call for a Rasta Roko in the District on 19th November 1985 which was completely successful. After this the Kisan Sangharsha Samiti gave the call for a statewide Rasta Roko on 20th Jan., 1986 which was partially or completely successful in Jhunjhunu, Sikar, Churu, Alwar, Udaipur, Doongarpur, Jaipur and Kishangarh. In Jhunjhunu and Sikar it was complete. During the bandh at several places workers, peasants, women were dragged on the roads by the police and several false cases were also registered.

The comrades of Ganganagar showed some weakness and confined the movement to a demonstration at the district centre.

Some Opposition parties gave a call for a Jail Bharo movement in the name of an All Party Opbhokta (Consumer) Sangharsha Samiti from 11 to 20 Feb., 1985. Considering the need for maintaining broad based Kisan unity our Kisan Sangharsha Samiti too gave the call for filling jails from 11 th Feb.

The role of Sikar district Kisan Sabha in this movement was most commendable. Whereas in other parts of the state and in other districts people were being released only after token arrests, in Sikar thousands of Kisan Sabha workers which included, along with Com. Trilok Singh all the leading workers of Kisan Sabha, went to jail along with others. Never before such a type of bad treatment was meted out to Kisan agitators, as this time in jails in Sheo Singh Pura, Ajmer, Deoli, Tonk Jodhpur, Jaipur, etc. For 4 to 5 days no food was provided to satyagrahis in jails and at the time of release they were not given the return railway fares. Other criminals in jails were even made to beat the satyagraha prisoners. Due to bad food in Sikar jail one satyagrahi Ramoo Ram died in the hospital.

Jhunjhunu was another centre of the movement where despite a weak Kisan Sabha unit, it played a glorious role during the arrests and movement. On the very first day 5800 volunteers who belonged to both the Kisan Sangharsha Samiti and the All Party Sangarsha Samiti, offered arrest. After the arrest they were kept under an open sky without proper clothings in winter in a Sati temple, without food, without water and proper arrangement. This was bound to make the satyagrahis angry towards the government. When on 12th the demonstration went to the residence of the District Magistrate, he preferred to drive them away by opening fire and lobbing tear gas shells on them, instead of talking with agitated Kisans. Due to the mad order of firing given by DM and the police, one Baloo Ram, a Kisan demonstrator was killed on the spot and two other protectionist were injured. The Jhunjhunu Kisans kept the dead body of martyr Baloo Ram, in front of the residence of D.M. Thousands of Kisans collected there and began to demand that unless the D.M. and S.P. of Jhunjhunu are removed from there, the dead body of Baloo Ram will continue to remain there. The dead body of Baloo Ram could not be removed due to the presence of thousands of Kisans, despite heavy reinforcements of RSC, Haryana Police and Rajasthan Police reaching there. Ultimately on 15th February, 1986 on the assurance of Harideo Joshi, Sri Nathoo Ram Mirdha, leader of Lok Dal which was a constituent of the All Party Upbhokta Sangharsha Samiti, could come to Jhunjhunu and pacify the people and arrange for the cremation of Baloo Ram. The presence of about a lakh of people, including about ten thousands women, is itself an indicator of the wide sweep of the movement. Con. Sheopat Singh, MLA, remained in Jhunjbunu from 13th February night up to the cremation of Baloo Ram.

In the Sadulpur Tahsil of Churu the movement was conducted in one or two villages on the question of electricity supply and Kisan Sabha conducted the movement in Churu, Sardarshahar and Rajgarh. In other districts only token arrests were offered.

This statewide movement has made it clear that there is tremendous discontent amongst the peasantry against the government. Lakhs and lakhs of people offered themselves for arrest. Perturbed by this the government negotiated the decision of a treacherous withdrawal with the All Party Upbhokta Sangharsha Samiti so that the leaders of the Kisan Sangharsha Samiti may also be brought in line.

Misled by these leaders our Sikar and Jhunjhunu satyagrahis too were released, when actually the Kisan Sangharsha Samiti had not withdrawn the movement. On the one hand this treacherous role of the leaders of All Party Upbhokta Sangharsha Samiti has disheartened the Kisans, on the other hand a sentiment of struggle has been created amongst them. Due to the treachery of these leaders the Kisans could get only very insignificant concessions.

In the same period the Opposition parties gave a call for demonstrations at district centres on 20th Feb., 1986 and a Bharat Bandh on 26th Feb against the heavy taxation measures by the Central Government. Kisan Sabha took a leading part in these two programmes. Police implicated Kisans, youth and other workers in a number of false cases.

A demonstration was organized in front of the State Assembly on 28th March, 1986 which was quite impressive and successful despite the heavy engagement of Kisans.

Kisan Sabha has no separate office even at the state centre, and since the last State Conference in 1982 PKC could meet only thrice.

The last conference of State Kisan Sabha was held in June 1983 at Sanoli. Out of 12 districts of the state, 2 were adequately represented, four partially and remaining six were not represented at all.

During this period campaigns and movements were organized in the districts of Kangra, Una, Hamirpur, Solan, Kulu, Mandi on the following and other demands—relief to drought and flood affected peasants, irrigation facilities, against eviction, for remunerative prices of agricultural produce, for adequate mini” mum wages.

In one such campaign in 1983, in 40 days, 237 villages were covered, 126 meetings were organized and 15250 signatures were collected to be submitted to district authorities.

In the districts, campaigns were also organized on local demands, e.g. for railway level crossing gate, malfunctioning of local river lift pump, against inadequate timber distribution to nearly peasants.

In the pre-budget price hike by Govt, of India, a state-wide protest week was observed from 20th to 26th Feb., 1986.

The last conference of the State Kisan Sabha was held at Shahdol in Feb. 1983. The membership increased to 25000 in 1684. But in 1985 the membership was nil.

There are a few pockets of Kisan Sabha.

(1) Morena : One thousand peasants participated in a satyagraha on 21st March, 1984 at Bhopal.

(2) Gwalior: 500 peasants participated in the state level satyagraha in Bhopal in 1984.

(3) Indore : The Kisan Sabha has some base among kotwars and landless peasants who conducted some demonstrations for enhancement of monthly payments.

(4) Shahdol: Movement and demonstrations were organized where 3 to 4 thousand peasants participated on the demands of pension to disabled persons, pattas to Adibasis and forest dwellers, stern measures against atrocities on Harijans, Adibasis and other weaker sections, and for minimum wages to landless labourers.

It is regrettable that most of the reports did not reach the AIKS centre in time and till the time of going to press no reports were available from Maharashtra, Gujarat, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, and Manipur.

As has been said earlier, with the stepped up activities of communal fundamentalists, after the toppling of the Farooq Abdullah Government, the situation deteriorated very much in Jammu and Kashmir and a virtual communal polarization occurred between the two major communities. But despite the very difficult situation created by this, Kisan Sabha workers continued their activities and have expanded their base, particularly in Jummu region.

A new AIKS unit has come into existence in Manipur state. With a membership of one thousand they have also held a state conference recently and are working actively to carry the message of AIKS to the peasantry of this remote far-eastern state.