28th Conference: Proceedings, Inaugural Speech, General Secretary’s Report and Resolutions

The 28th Conference of AIKS is shocked to mourn the sad demise of Com. M.K. Krishnan, General Secretary, All India Agricultural Workers Union at Trishur on 14th Nov. last, while attending Kerala State Kisan Conference. He was to attend our All India Conference also. In his untimely death the peasantry, agricultural workers and other toiling masses of the country have lost a li fe long selfless fighter for their cause.

Com. Krishnan was a member of the Kerala Assembly from 1967 to 1969 and later from 1979 to 1981. He served as a Minister for Forests in his first term in the Assembly and as Minister for Excise in the second. In 1971 he was elected Member of Parliament for Ponnai Constituency in Kerala.

Coming from a Scheduled Caste family, Com. Krishnan rose to become the General Secretary of the Union after undertaking many struggles for the betterment of agricultural workers, poor peasants and other working people of the country and Kerala in particular. He was also the President of the Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union since 1984 to date.

His death is an irreparable loss for the entire democratic movement of the country. This Conference of All Kisan Sabha dips its banner in his memory and sends its heartfelt condolence to his bereaved family.

The 28th Conference of AIKS deeply condoles the death of Comrade Uddaraju Ramam, a veteran freedom fighter and our former President, who passed away on November 27, 1994, Comrade U. Ramam played a key role in developing Kisan movement in Andhra Pradesh. He was an active participant of Telangana peasant struggle, and was highly respected for his selfless services to the people and for his qualities as a patriot and as revolutionary. He was elected as the President of AIKS in its 24th Conference held at Midnapur in 1982. This Conference pays its homage to the memory of Com. Ramam and sends its heartfelt condolences to bereaved family.

The 28th Conference of AIKS deeply mourns the sad demise of the three C.K.C members during this period—Com. Achintya Bhattacharya,Com. Dalip Singh Johal, and Com. Haranath Chandra.

Com. Achintya Bhattachaya a veteran peasant and Left leader of Assam was one of the great popular soldier of the historic Surma Valley Struggle. Having joined the freedom struggle at a very young age, he joined Kisan Sabha in 1936 and remained loyal and active till he breathed last as President of State Unit of Kisan Sabha.

Com. Dalip Singh Johal was the President of Punjab State Kisan Sabha- at the time of his death. He had joined organisation since its inception. He was imprisoned several times and was underground for 8 years. He contributed to the growth of peasant movement in Punjab.

Com. Harnath Chandra, whose life was dedicated to the downtrodden section of society, was an outstanding leader of the peasants’ and left – democratic movement of West Bengal.

This Conference pays its respectful homages to the memory of these Comrades and sends its heartfelt condolences to their bereaved families.

The 28 th Conference of AIKS deeply mourns the death of Prof. N.G. Ranga, who passed away on 8th of June this year at the age of 95. He was a veteran freedom fighter. In early days of his life specially before independence he was actively associated with peasant movement and Kisan Sabha. He was elected General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha in its foundation Conference held at Lucknow in 1936, then its President in its 2nd Conference held the same year at Faizpur and again as General Secretary in the 3rd Conference held in 1938 at Comilla. The Conference expresses its deep sorrow at the death of Prof. N.G. Ranga and sends heartfelt condolence to the bereaved family.

The 28th Conference of AIKS mourns the death of Com. Gopen Roy, a veteran freedom fighter and peasant leader of Assam, who was one of the founder leader of peasant movement in Barak Valley, and an active participant of Tebhaga upsurge. He had been President of Assam State Kisan Sabha for a long time. We send our heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family.

This Conference mourns and condoles the death of Com. D.S. Tapiala and Com. Jogindcr Singh veteran peasant leaders and Freedom fightersos Punjab, Com. Gancsh Ghosh and Bi joy Modak the immemorable freedom fighters of West Bengal Com. R. Krishnan (Kerala) our AIKC member, Com. Biren Dutta of Tripura, Com. Venkatpathi, former AIKC member from Andhra Pradesh, Com. Bijaya Baliar Singh and Manmath Lanka of Orissa, Com. Motilal Sharma of M.P. and sends its heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families.

The 28th Conference of AIKS salutes the memories all those martyrs, who have sacrificed their lives for the cause of peasantry and other toiling sections of the society and for the perseverance of communal amity and national unity of the country. We dip our banner in their memory and sends our heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families.

The Important tasks decided by the Hissar conference and the subsequent meetings of the CKC and AIKC are summarised as follows:

1. While streamlining the functioning of committees at all levels, special efforts are to be made to guarantee the regular and democratic functioning of the primary committees, i.e. village or panchayat level committees. Activise the primary committees to make expansion and advance of the movement.
2. To project the identity of the AIKS as an independent organisation of the peasantry in the country through conscious efforts. To activise the organisation at all levels. Apart from strengthening the lower level organisations centres, further strengthening of the All India and State centres should be done.
3. To organise studies of particular problems of the different states and regions and to make proper plans for building move­ments based on those studies. The All India Centre should establish a study and research nucleus to study the various changes happening in the agrarian sector.
4. The all India centre should prepare a syllabus for cadre training and organise classes.
5. Though the membership enrollment campaign should continue throughout the year but intensive enrollment should be done by observing a month or fortnight and each agitational campaign be followed by a vigorous membership drive and “whoever is enrolled as a member should immediately be attached to a unit”.
6. United actions should be organised at all levels.
7. Independent initiative, united actions and proper balancing between propaganda, agitation and organisational work will help breaking the stagnation and advancing in newer areas.
8. Regular reports from lower committees to higher commit­tees be guaranteed, along with reporting from above.
9. Training of cadres and then deployment and check up of the work done by them must be done on a regular basis.

We are circulating a short summary of our activities in states, in a separate document. Here we wish to concentrate mainly on the lessons we draw from them.

Let us now examine the main characteristics of the emerging agrarian scenario. By giving higher price to certain cereals, pulses and commercial crops, the Central government try to keep the landlords and richer sections in good humour. They claim that the export of agricultural produce has increased considerably and helped us in gaining foreign exchange. They want to shut our eyes to the adverse effects of the export of pulses, onion, oil seeds, on the poor sections among the peasantry and the common people. They also claim that the foodgrains’s production has reached record level and the godowns of the Food Corporation of India are all full. The government is trying to portray a rosy picture about the agrarian situation.

But the reality is just reverse. The policies pursued during the post-independence period have failed to solve the problem of agriculture and the peasantry. But now the new agriculture Policies instead of solving the problems are aggravating them.

Ours is the single largest mass organisation in the country. Our present membership is 1,32,39,480. No other mass organisation in the country has a membership of this nature. But this is only a side of the picture. West Bengal claims a membership of 1,05,38,499 and Kerala claims 12,26,488. This shows that membership from the rest of India is only about 14 lakhs. Except in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, the AIKS cannot claim to be an organisation of mass nature. There has been no increase in membership in Bihar, UP and Maharashtra. The membership figures have been fluctuating in Rajasthan, Bihar and UP. There is a substantial fall in Andhra Pradesh membership. We have not made any substantial expansion during this period. Many reasons can be attributed to the present situation.

In order to successfully discharge the tasks the all India centre should be strengthened.

The Centre should be equipped with cadre, staff and material to conduct studies about the changes taking place in the agrarian scenario. Many experts are available both in the Centre and in the state. The AIKS can take help from these experts and conduct studies for further concretising the demands. The product of the these studies must be periodically circulated to all committees who must study them and send their comments and suggestions to all India centre. The office set-up of the organisation also requires restructuring and strengthning.

The all India centres should intervene in all national issues. The centre should always try to project our identity before the peasantry and nation.

Many state committees are not making use of the material we produce at the Centre. Even copies of the important domcuments are lying undistributed in certain states and cadres are unaware that they exist. The bulletins we produce from the Centre were not even unpacked in certain states. The bulletin is also stopped.

Many of our state committees in the weaker belt are inactive and treat campaigns and struggles as mere formalities or conducted nominally. Even the Presidents and Secretaries of the Kisan Sabha in certain states find it difficult to devote time to do Kisan Sabha work. This is true in the the case of districts and lower levels also. This state of affairs should be changed. The present set up is restricting the possibilities for expansion and keeping our movement a stagnating and declining force. Some of the comrades insist to become an office bearer or a member in the committee as a matter of prestige and some of them after that refuse to take up the responsbilities of office bearers or members. We should show courage and determination to bid goodbye to this style of organisation building. The respective committees should also see that wholetime workers at all levels are provided with minimum requirements to devote their full time and energy to do Kisan Sabha work. They should not be overloaded with responsibilities of other organisations with which they may also be connected.

The style of functioning of some of the committees and leaders are not conducive for expanding the movement. Some of the leaders and committees make parrot-like repetitions of the basic slogan and do not formulate concrete slogans on the basis of the concrete situation. Some of them are doing this delibertely to avoid the difficult task of building movements and struggles and confronting enemies. They do not care to learn the hopes, aspirations, anguish, anger of the people. Hence, many of the decisions of such committees float over the heads of the peasantry in air. Some comrades collect statistics but they fail to understand the feelings of the peasantry. Some involve in individual advise giving or prescription giving. The leaders should go to the lower committees and to the peasantry and discuss with them their problems and guide them in taking decisions and activise them. The post office like functioning of receiving circulars from above and sending circulars to down below will not help in building movement. Some of the committees and leaders are showing reluctance to come out of the shell of routinism. A critical assessment of the present style of functioning and purposeful changes are required in the case of many committees and leaders.

In many states our organisation experiences shortage of capable cadres. Conscious attempt should be made to develop sufficient number of cadres to do Kisan Sabha work. They should be given necessary wages. Regular classes should be organised both at the Centre and the states to train the cadres.

State Reports should be first analysed by the Centre and then circulated as to take proper lessons and guidance. After implementation of land reforms in West Bengal the initial upsurge is not continuing in the same form. We are trying to implement 2nd and 3rd Amendments on land-reforms, which give us some scope to take over and distribute some ceiling surplus land. Through campaigns and social by cotts of landlords, we are trying to compell the landlords to come out from courts for settlement. We are taking the help of Panchayats also. Due to implementation of land reforms now 60%^ of lands are owned by small and marginal farmers breaking the land concentration in few hands. In recent years agricultural workers movement have also become strong. Wages have increased to a great extent implementing the minimum wage Act. There is some vaccillation among cadres of middle class origin which we are trying to overcome. To raise the consciousness of agricultural workers and poor peasants, we are organising literacy movement, cultural and sports programmes etc. In order to supply credit and inputs, we are trying to organise co-operatives but it is yet to be taken as movement.

This Conference has special significance in present situation marked with new policies of the Govt. In this period our achievements are to be mentioned, our struggle against Govt’s policies, and also our intervention and participation in co-operative movement and for Panchayat Raj institutions. Due to withdrawal of subsidies prices of fertilizers and other inputs have increased resulting reduction in production. Fluctuating prices of cash crops are affecting Kerala peasantry. This year prices of coffee and rubber have increased while that of coconut has decreased affecting majority of peasants. The statement of the Report that the whole strategy of agricultural development of the Narashima Rao government depends on higher price for agricultural produce is wrong and has serious cannotations. Prices of agriculture produces which are meant for mass consumption have generally increased while that of raw materials necessary for industries generally decreased, due to Govt’s policies. For betterment the peasantry should be given remunerative prices, and the Govt, at the same time should bear the subsidy to “provide general people through public distribution system. The Report gives the impression that AIKS views better prices as something bad. In Kerala there is shortage of land and also shortage of agriculture labourers. In many areas paddy could not be harvested due to shortage of labourers. Agricultural Workers are getting fair wages due to our struggle and this shortage. We should have done much more at National level and the leading Office Bearers should have visited more states including Kerala.

While agreeing with the G.S. Report we want to raise same burning problems of Tripura for your consideration and help, Extension of VI scheduled of constitution, introduction of inner line permit, more power to District Autonomous Council, recovery of tribal’s lands, allotment of forest land to tribals, problem of chakma refugges etc are the burning issues in Tripura. Tribal people are loosing confidence in Congress (I) and TUJS. We have to fight for their cause that we are trying to do. But we need help and guidance from central leadership. Before independence tribals were in majority in Tripura, but now they have been turned into minority due to migration from Bangladesh. Still the illegal in-filltration is continuing. It is a question of existence for tribals of Tripura. Central Forest Act is also a hinderance for their development. The development of tribal language is also very important. On all these issues, we need your assistan>

We admit our weakness in enrollment of membership, which has decreased this year. We are trying to overcome our organizational weakness. Due to Govt’s policies tendencies to shift the crop pattern i.e. from agricultural to commercial is increasing. Ceiling limit has been raised, power and watercharges have been increased, subsidies are being withdrawn, creating serious problems for peasants, particularly poor and middle. We have organised campaigns on these issues and a number of seminars. Mass participation is increasing on the issues of irrigational facilities, against blackmarketing of fertilizers etc. We look up the issues of land like temple land and other land issues. Still we are weak on taking up the issues of landless against landlords. We are also taking up the issue of co-operatives. We have 18 D.K.Cs. 50 divisional units, and 70 wholetimers. We have to stress more on “democratic” functioning and develop a proper cadres policy.

Because of Govt’s new policies, problems of all sections of peasantry are increasing. We have taken up the issues of fishermen also, who are affected by MNCs penetration in this sector through prawn farming, deep sea fishing etc. Several Jatha have been organised on these issues. Participation is encouraging. AIADMK activists backed by the State Govt, are grabing Govt. lands. We are resisting. There are some common issues throughout the country. Wc should organise the peasants by campaign and movements and to prepare them by educating through Seminars, conventions etc. For this, strong organisation is necessary. In our state we are attempting for stream lining the organisation. Both State and Central functioning should be improved. Some more study on Dams, rivers, flood and drought issues is required by the Central leadership to help the concerned states.

Generally agree with the Report. But more elaboration is required to explain imperialist attacks on third world countries specially on their economies. AIKS leadership has failed to give independent calls to oppose NEP though we have participated in a number of joint movements. All India Centre has to be strengthened more. W. Bengal and Kerala units should provide more cadres for centre to meet the situation. In Karnataka, Janta Dal Govt. is pursuing anti-peasant policies. We are opposing them by organising various campaigns and movement.

Our State is facing serious drought and famine this year. There is shortage of drinking water in many areas. Conservation of water is mostly needed. We have decided to launch movement for that. Agitation for raising cotton price is also continuing. We are asking for monopoly purchase by Govt. agencies while Sharad Joshi is opposing. Surrender by Shiv Sena-BJP Govt, on ENRON has given us again opportunity to fight against it. Now All India initiative is needed on this issue. More explaination is needed, to explain why and on what conditions MNCs are invited in West Bengal. Organisationally we are weak, we lack wholetimers. Now, we have decided that at least District committee Secretary should be wholetimer. We are also taking up tribal issue seriously.

There are vast tracts of waste land in M.P. a good portion of which are cultivable Govt, land, occupied by, mainly landlords. Now the Cong (I) C.M. is inviting big business to improve and own waste land. We have decided to oppose and launch land struggle. Govt is claiming that implementation of ceiling Act and distribution of land is complete. If all the Govt, land is really distributed among the landless then there will not be any landless in M.P. Problem of irrigation and power shortage is there. Tribal issue is also very important in M.P. We are weak, but trying to take up all these issues and improve the organisational strength.

During last three years we have organised a number of meetings, seminars etc against NEP/NAP, IMF etc. Question of paddy price is very important for Manipur. So, we demand procure paddy at remunerative price in time and distribute rice to the people on subsidised rate through P.D.S.

Ours is the newest unit organised. Due to lower consciousness of the people and special situation in Sikkim we have framed a separate Constitution for our state in conformity with AIKS Constitution. We have planned to fight for land reforms, irrigation and for remunerative price for peasants producer. We need central help.

The Continuous turmoil in J. & K. has led the State into a difficult and different position. Ours main problem is political. A large number of people are alienated. It is difficult to build a strong Kisan Movement with alienated people. Still we have been trying to raise the issues of peasants like those of apple growers and silk coccon growers. We have organised some meetings, conventions, and small demonstrations specially in Jammu region. P.D.S. has already collapsed, creating very serious problems for poor people.

We are in general agreement with the Report. The L.F. Govt. is continuing for 18 years, thus creating stability with the support of people. This is due to peasant unity achieved through various forms of class struggles. The communal forces are checked due to this strong unity of the people. There is a stable Panchayat system under our leadership comprising mainly of toiling people. We have to continuously campaign to educate the people on the limitation of the L.F. Govt. as to differentiate between a State L.F. Govt and Central Govt. As a result of various measures, the purchasing capacity of rural population has increased leading to possibility of Industrial developments. The state Govt recently announced its Industrial Policy for balanced development. Recently survey has been conducted in 205 villages to understand the nature and mode of capitalist penetration in agriculture and its impact on rural life. Specific steps have been taken to raise the consciousness of rural poor and to develop leadership from among them. During 18 years of L.F. rule more than 1300 of our cadres have been martyred in West Bengal. This shows the intensity of class struggle going on in our state even under. L.F. rule. It is heartening that Bihar Kisan Sabha captured and distributed 36000 acres of land despite sacrificing lives of 36 cadres. But the central leadership has to examine why this movement is stagnating now? Where and what are the weaknesses? Take timely steps to correct them. For building a strong Kisan Movement both united and independent activity and movements are required. Today we lack independent activity. That we should overcome immediately.

In recently held state conference at Katihar we have underlined our weaknesses and decided to overcome them in time. We have captured and are defending more than 35,000 acres of land in 27 districts. Two third of this land belongs to landlords, who had illegally captured. 40 cadres have sacrificed their lives in this struggle. Voilent attacks were organised against us. Even women fought back at more than two dozen places. Our bases have expanded and so our prestige and influence. After 1992 Joint Convention on Land movement CPI led organisations withdrew only after few months, and ML leadership gave the slogan of “land nationalisation”. We continued our struggle. The C.M. Sri Laloo Prasad announced the names of 378 big landlords and promised to distribute the ceiling surplus land but did little. Still more than half poor people who were alloted land and given pattas still could not occupy the land. And at many places the lands already under the occupation of landless and poor for years and decades have been distributed in the name of other poor people creating conflict among the same poorer section. This is being done at the instigation of local landlords and police. In Tibal areas money lenders, contractors, mafias and landlords are exploiting the poor tribals, but so called ’Jarkhandis’ parties are not raising these issues rather they are only repeating the slogan of “Separate State.” While supporting the “regional autonomy” for tribals we are raising their class issues. Due to these class struggles we have been able to stop communal riots at many places. Besides land struggles, we have jointly organised three Bihar Bandhs against NEP. Due to frequent flood and drought people of Bihar have to face serious catastrophe. No repairing of river and canal bunds for years. There is serious shortage of power. No steps are taken to expand irrigational facilities, and old facilities are dying out. No credit facilities & Mafias have captured cooperatives. There is rampant corruption both in Bihar State and Central Govts. Huge amount are dues to cane growers and mill employees with sugar mills. We have decided to raise the issues of Jute, Banana and betal growers. We are going to take steps to build independent and strong state centre as to advance the movement and consolidate the organisation. While fighting against social atrocities, we are also vigilant against forces of castism and communalism. We are trying to streamline the organisation, alongwith organising movement and campaigns on all the burning issues of the peasantry.

Previous Janta Dal Govt. of Biju Patnaik was the open supporter of NEP of Central Govt. Cong.(I) State Govt, dissolved all the Panchayat bodies. Now it is the rule of corruption. Power charges have been increased. Rush for privatisation is going on, P.D.S. is collapsed. Torture of women is on the increase. At many places Boodan lands are occupied by landlords. Serious cyclones and floods were there in Orissa. But very meagre central assistance was provided. We have launched agitations demanding distribution of Chilka land among landless and poor peasants. The Govt has planned to allow MNCs and big business for Prawn cultivation in Chilka. Tribals are being driven out of forest areas. Orissa is mainly poverty stricken state. In many areas poor people sell their children for rice. Price of sugarcane has decreased. We are demanding minimum wages for agricultural workers and equal wages for men and women. We have reviewed our weaknesses in recently held state conference. We need more help and advice from CKC.

As is known to all, for some years in past, we have been facing attacks from communal, castist and terrorist penetration in U.P. Uttarakhand movement has also disturbed us. But now the situation is improving. Our state conference concluded that unless we take up the local issues seriously, we can not break the stagnation. Recently we have taken up the land movement in the districts of Varanasi, Mirjapur, Sonebhadra etc. We have also planned to take up the issues of electricity and its charges, irrigation, sugarcane growers etc. We have noted our weaknesses too. We have decided to strengthen the State Centre, by inducting one more wholetimer. Majority of our village and Mandal Committees are no active. We have to activise them. From centre to state, we are all concerned about U.P. We hope to overcome our organisational weaknesses soon with the help of central leadership to advance the movement and strengthen the organisation.

Membership of Kisan Sabha in Rajasthan this time is more than double from last Conference. But still we are not satisfied with the progress. In Rajas than the old leadership of historic movements are with us so we expect more progress. In 15 of 31 districts, we have our organisations big or small. In recent years, we have organised a number of campaigns against NEP—convering a good number of villages. In our State land-laws were made by Rajas and Maharajas, So, it needs drastic changes. But the State BJP Government is trying to turn it in more reverse way. Land issue is very improtant for Rajasthan. Specially in Indira Gandhi canal ara, where the desert land is now turning into irrigated good producing land. The Government is leasing this valuable land to big affluent elements. We are protesting. Our State can be divided into main three region:

a. Tribal areas- where unemployment and poverty is forcing tribals to migrate to other States in search of livelihood.

b. Irrigated areas- likeGanganagar and Hanumangarh where the issue of proper irrigation, inputs, prices, agricultural labourers etc are the main issue.

c. Unirrigated or desert areas— were the water level is very low even the drinking water problem is there. The demand of power supply, and question of water are the main issues there. We are trying to streamline the organisational functioning— increase the number of wholetimers—overcome the scarcity of fund for organisation to make advancement, under the guidance of CKC.

After organising last All India Conference at Hissar a favourable situation was created for us increasing our influence and prestige. We organised some movements afterward but we could not fully untilise that favourable situation. Because we cannot raise the local burning issues properly. In Haryana, capitalism has penetrated into agriculture to a considerable extent, creating new situation and new problems. Contradiction and tension between local agricultural workers and migrate labourers from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh is comingup because migrate workers are ready to work on lesser wages.

It is necessary to organise a survey in Haryana to exactly know, what changes have taken place in agriculture in recent years as to coin the proper slogan with the help of Central Leadership. In Haryana Irrigation/water issue has become a very much important and emotional. All the burgeoise parties are trying to exploit this issue. We also need guidance on this issue. Still there is backward and clan culture prevailing, some time creating very serious and complex social problem. In many areas rich farmers are taking the lands of poor people an lease. This new phenomenon is increasing due to increasing price of inputs and water and power charges. We have supported the movement of Government employees also. We are raising the issue of coruption too. For Kisan Sabha cadres we should organise their education camps regularly.

We have organised a number of campaigns against NLP, against price increase of fertilizer, against the increase in power rate. A good mobilisation of peasantry was done in civil—disobedience movement. We participated in recently held Panchayat and Co-operative elections and won some seats also. Due to withdrawal of subsidies and NEP, small and marginal peasants are selling or leasing out their lands. Concrete steps are required to help these poorer sections. Loans of small and marginal peasants should be waived and they should be provided free power. There should be proper storage facility for agricultural produces, and inputs should be provided at subsidised rate to small and marginal sections. Because the small and marginal peasants are forced to go out of agricultural sector, so some concrete helps are required. Support price, and timely intervention by pruchasing agency are very important issues Central leadership should also advice a formula to fix the support price, which may give a reasonable profit for the peasants. Some all India actions are also required for the Government to conceed some demands. Our state conference decided to enrole 2 lakh membership in 1995-96.

In H.P. 37% of agriculture has become commercial. And due to NEP, withdrawal of subsidy on inputs, fertilizer prices have gone up—creating serious problem for the peasants. For horticulture and fruits, problem of transport and storage is becoming acute. we have organised some campaigns and actions on these issues. In Shirnla we held a joint rally under the banner of Platform of Mass organisations, Memorandum with thousands of signatures has been submitted. Regarding Organisation our State Centre is still weak. We are trying to improve it along with some district centres. We had to posponed our State Conference due to coming Panchayat Elections.

The Government of Assam is imposing all types of restrictions on the democratic activities. The whole State is placed under section-144. In a number of districts terrorists and divisive forces are active. Situation is more worsened due to Bodo-non-Bodo, Assames-non Assames, Tribals-non-Tribals and many such ethenic conflicts coming up. Role of BSF is also dangerous. In Assam 77% of the population is dependant on agriculture. But they use very little fertilizer-and now price rise has also dampened their use more. We have to face continuous floods and in some districts drought. No proper facilities of irrigation. Number of agriculture laboureres is increasing day by day. We have been demanding for the distribution of ceiling surplus land and also for pattas to the poor and landless cultivating forest land for decades or generations. But the State Government is trying to evict them, with an intension to handover these lands to the landlords or big buisiness. We are trying to mobilise the peasantry on these issues.

We should ponder over the fact, that why there is no develop merit of organisation in States other than West Bengal and Kerala? Regarding all India movement like issue of GATT why the AIKS did not take the lead rather only participated in joint programmes? If Bihar movement is stagnating today, what has been done by Central leadership to help there? What the Central leadership does to help the various State Committees to intiate and organise the movements? What are the concrete steps taken after Hissar Conference—and what are conclusions? Without concretely naming the cadres, we should not speak about caste bias otherwise it will make us suspicious against each other without any valid reasons. Why not required booklets were published on GATT and other issues? More seriousness is requred at central level. More fund collection and contribution is required to help the weaker state units. We should really try to build and project independant image of AIKS, in practice, which may be visible by peasants also in our actions.

We want, that some specific calls for all India movement should go from this Conference on the burning issues of the peasantry. In Tripura we have organised campaigns against NEP/ NAP and on other issues. CKC must plan steps to streamline and expand the organisation in weaker States. In North-East region Assam and Tripura can help other States. We should take lesson from Bihar where despite glorious land movement, the membership has fallen— why? Proper explanation is required for this type of weakness. In Tripura, despite serious difficulties, we have held Panchayat Elections— with reservation (even Office Bearers) And we have won most of the Panchayat bodies. More than l/3rd of population is under our leadership, Gan Mukti Pari shad (organisation of Tribal Peasants) is also working under our leadership helping and strenthening the bond between tribal and non-tribal peasants.

We also agree with the criticism made by Kerala comrade. Why there is stagnation in membership enrolment exept in W.Bengal? It seems as if our good decisions are not reaching to lower units. We should learn from the experience of West Bengal— how they have developed and how they are developing? In our State women membership has increased, but education is lacking. Very little has been done organisationally. What steps are being taken in different States to mobilise the poor peasants- we should be informed. Democratic functioning of the units is the necessary ingredient for strenthening out organisations. The Central Leadership should review the organisational status of each State.

Our delegation feels that on all India plane we have not fulfilled the tasks deeded by Hissar Conference, both on specific, and all India issues. In our State 60% of poor own only 2% of land while 5% of rich occupy 40%. We are taking up the issues of sharecorppers, their registration, loan waivers after studying and concretising the demands. On the issue of Irrigation also many demands are buring CKC must help the States in studying the agriculture situation and formulating the demands accordingly. On organisational question also, stress from centre is required specially for separate functioning and independent projection with some able and exclusive cadres. If the State and District centres function properly they can and must activise the primary and local units. Concretisation of tasks and demands, both agitational and organisational— is must. Some time CKC also fails in intervenining in the developing situation, that weakness must be overcome. Whole CKC and AIKC must be involved in formulating tasks etc.

Favourable International situation developing, so, we should have done more, and that should reflect in General Secretary’s Report.

On organisational aspect also, what we have done after Hissar that should be stated. In 8 States our membership has gone down, why? In West Bengal we are holding regular election of Panchayats, and we are leading in overwheling majority of them. There are two trends visible one to treat Panchayat as “our own property” and other to completly ignore the organisation. Both are to be corrected, And PRIs should be properly utilised for further consolidation and expansion of organisation. So more co-ordination is required between our cadres working in Panchayat and those in Kisan Sabha units. Because various reactionary forces are waiting to utilise our mistakes and discontent of the people, so we should be more vigilant, active and cautious.

The Commission met at Cuttack, during the 28th All India Kisan Sabha Conference on 21st November ’95 under the chairmanship of Com. P.K. Tandon, joint Secretary All India Kisan Sabha.

An information note prepared by Com. P.K. Tandon had been cirulated among comrades and it was introduced at the outset by its author in a brief speech which was followed by brief speeches by pannelists, viz. Com. Samar Baora (W. Begal), Com. E.M. Sridharan (Kerala), Com. Subodh Roy (Bihar), Com. Bajuban Riyang (Tripura), including these pannelists a total of 23 comrades spoke in the meeting. ,

On the basis of the degree of effectiveness of the implementation of land reforms and penetration of capital in the Agrarian economy, at Hissar, we divided the country into following four broad divisions:

1. Areas where semi-feudal conditions still prevail e.g., parts of Bihar, U.P. Karnataka, M.P., Rajasthan, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and Assam.
2. The Areas where capitalist relations are expanding and capital penetration is more than in other states e.g. Punjab, Haryana, Western U.P., Wastal Andhra and some pockets in other states.
3. Areas where a certain amount of land reform measures have already been carried out eg. Kerala, W. Bengal and Tripura.
4. Areas where a pre-feudal modes of production prevail with collective or community landownership e.g. in some triabl areas including those in North Eastern States, Bastar in M.P. and Jharkhand areas of Bihar.

These are only broad divisions and sometimes features of more than one above mentioned categories coexist in different parts of the same state. Assam is an example of pre-feudal forms existing in some tribal dominated areas, with semi-feudal forms existing in other parts of the state. Also intensity of one particular socio-economic form, varies from region to region and even village to village. So we have to undertake detailed and painstaking studies of each village and each region before working out concrete slogans and tactics.

In the first category we will have to take note of the various loopholes that have been deliberately left in the land laws of each state, which have to be plugged. These include permission to transfer land (including Benami Transfers) among friends, relatives or to resume land for “self-cultivation” without insistance on the condition of cultivation by family labour or labour of the land holder himself otherself. There may be oral or informal tenancies like share cropping in a particular state without any provision for recording or security of tenure for such tenants. Non-existence of reliable and updated land records is another problems that comes in handy for landlords to evict poor and middle tenants. While in some states some provisions may exist in law which restrict transfers or granting some form of security though in practice they are ignored due to collusion between, landlords and revenue officials friendly to them. We must identify surplus ceiling land which should have been distributed among landless or poor peasants due to any of the above reasons, run campaigns demanding plugging of loopholes and effective implementation of land reforms involving the intended beneficiaries in the process of distribution. We should suggest amendments to existing laws, hold seminars and convention to secure democratic support of all peasant and other mass organisations, intellectuals, journalists etc. and organise agitations to demand enactment of amending laws. Along with ceiling surplus land so identified, there exist in each state fallow and cultivable wastelands, lands under the control of state forest Department which has no green cover, other government land or land owned by village coroporate bodies (like Gaon Samaj) which can be distributed. Wherever possible such lands should be occupied, distributed among landless and poor peasants and such occupations should be defended against landlord attacks till pattas are granted by authorities to the occupants.

It is AIKS which through struggles led by it in post Second World War years brought land reforms on the national agenda. Land Reform Legislations were enacted but as mentioned above, lot of loopholes were deliberately left in these laws to prevent land passing from the hands of landlords to the landless and land poor, and hardly 1.5 percent of total cultivated land has been distributed so far as a result of implementation of ceiling laws. The process of implementing redistributive land reforms was given a gobye by the middle of seventies end now P.V. Narasimha Rao Government is reversing the whole process of land reforms to facilitate acquisition of land held and operated by landless agricultural labourers and poor peasants by landlords, rich farmers, industrialists and MNCs., entering the fields of farming of crops that can be exported and their processing. The existing land laws are being amended to permit bigger holdings for horticultural or aquacultural farmers or certain types of plantation. We should resist this process which is bound to bring misery and ruin to bulk of our peasants who are poor and landless, whose productivity is low and being denied access to credit and modern inputs, they are unable to improve their cultivation and make it viable. Hence they have no option except selling or leasing out their land to big farmers or big business both Indian and foreign ready to invest in agriculture and agro-based industries. We must demand that suitable labour intensive and less costly technologies be developed for these poor farmers, necessary inputs must be made available to them at subsidied and controlled prices, they should have access to necessary Institutional credits and ensured remunerative prices for their produce.

In the second category of states and regions where capitalist relations are expanding and productivity of land is high, there is the problem of settlers on evacuee land or land on which refugees from Pakistan were settled several decades back without permanent pattas. The Government now wants to auction this land and realise exhorbitant prices from these settlers, bulk of whom are small farmers. We must support the demands of these settlers to grant them legal pattas at nominal prices and stop evictions and auctioning. In many canal irrigated areas there is the problem of seepage, water logging and soil erosion, which must be speedily tackled. Small farmers with higher cost of cultivation and low returns on investments are unable to compete with rich peasants and landlords, are forced to sell or leassout their lands and seek outside farm jobs. They must be helped by supplying credits, improved inputs at low costs to increase their productivity and margin of profit so that their agriculture becomes viable. Repeated hikes in electricity and irrigation rates create further difficulties for them and we must demand reversal of such policies and measures and there should be no hike in prices of inputs, power and irrigation rates for poor and middle farmers, whose cost of cultivation is higher but returns from investment as well as productivity is lower than of rich peasants and landlord farmers. The poor and middle peasants also want irrigation water, inputs and energy. Ground water level is failing in many places in Haryana and other areas, which requires more powerful motors which again enhances cost of irrigation. Those living at tail ends of canals also suffer from paucity of water. These problems should be tackled.

In some areas where irrigation projects have been completed, government is auctioning land, instead of allotting it to landless and poor peasants, who naturally can not compete with rich persons in bidding. We must demand that such lands should be allotted to landless and poor peasants and only nominal prices should be charged from them.

In the third category are states like W. Bengal Kerala and Tripura, where peasant movement is strong and as a result of big struggles and sacrifices, peasantry has been able to secure more effective, implementation of land reform than in other parts of the country. Although landlords have lost of their former social, economic and political power, it would be wrong to assume the feudal remanants have totally vanished and exercise no influence over social and political developments. Sustained by bourgeois—landlord government, working at the centre and exercising its power, under the bourgeois constitution, these elements still pose a challenge to the strong peasant and working class movement with a ding dong class struggle continuing and often assuming serious dimensions, even involving supreme sacrifices by peasant and other left wing activists. Here the main problems that of small landholders, whose average size of holding goes on declining and unless efforts are made to increase productivity and agriculture of small land holders viable, they will lose their land and join the burgeoning army of landless agricultural labourers. The Left Front Government in W. Bengal has made commendable efforts in this direction, due to which W. Bengal today has the highest rate of growth in food grain production and is today the leading paddy producer State, in the country. Sharecroppers, agricultural labourers and poor peasants, now managing the village panchayats and planning and implementing development projects, in their respective villages themselves, have evolved novel methods to extend minor irrigation, build roads and provided amenities to the rural poor. In Kerala, group Farming has been successfully tried to make paddy farming viable and sustainable. These experiences tell us that work in village Panchyats and Cooperatives can be useful and beneficial to bulk of rural poor, who are landless and poor peasants, if pursued with tact and vigour.

In the last category which are regions with a substantial proportion of tribals, with various forms of collective and community ownership of land and subject to pre-feudal forms of exploitation. Land in these areas owned by tribals, under existing laws, can not be legally transferred to non-tribals, but is actually being illegally transferred, in all such areas, to moneylenders and capitalist landlords in the main. Heavily indebted tribals enagaging in most primintive forms of cultivation (like jhoom or shifting slash and burn cultivation) readly agree to sell their land at throwaway prices when some non-tribal offers them money and liquor. We have to educate them in modern stable agriculture and other gainful economic activity, which alone can save them from exploitaiton by money lenders and capitalist landlords and prevent transfer of land. They should also be provided with credits, implements and inputs and marketing outlets for their surplus agricultural or forest produce.

We should not be in hurry to impose upon them a sterotyped pattern of land relations and should study their existing social organisation to find out who are the exploiting classes and what are their concrete forms and methods of exploitation. While maintaining the collective social forms we should suggest changes that will reduce the burden and ultimately abolish exploitation and bring about a democratic reorganisation of their society, ending backwardness and paving the way for modernisation and prosperity, with their consent and involvement. Naturally the exploiting elements will not like such a development and the whole process will be a class-struggle, which will require tact and leadership that will have to be evolved and trained. We should help them in working out concrete demands like development of irrigation, power, communication and transport facilities, providing modern amenities like educaiton, cultural and medical facilities, building townships and dwelling habitations etc. We should see to it that their rich cultural heritage is preserved and their separate identity is not disturbed.

Large tracts of land inhabited by tribals are being acquired for constructing various projects like extension of towns and creating new urban areas, industries, irrigation and power projects, aerodroumes, railway lines and stations, schools and institutions for higher education and research government offices and buildings for various levels of government and semi-government bodies etc. Before such lands are acquired, we should demand that adequate arrangements should be made for tribals, who will be up rooted, in the form of alternative land, gainful employment and adequate compensation. If alternative land is provided for housing, it should be properly developed and equipped with marketing, transport, sanitary, medical, educational and recreational facilities.

By conducting campaigns for land reforms and land related issues, on above lines, we can bring about desired changes in the correlation of class forces, which is the basic preconditions for such social, political and economic changes that alone can end poverty, unemployment, backwardness and pave the way for building a prosperous, modernised, industrial economy.

P.K. Tandon

Chairman

1. The commission worked for six and half hours, in the course of which 40 comrades participated: seven panelists, Chairman and 32 delegates. In fact, several more were keen to participate but, in view of time constraint, they were requested to withdraw. The discussion was lively and rich and reflected the diversity of conditions and issues that our organisation in faces in different parts of the country. Contributions in local languages were permitted, and translations were given in English.
2. After introduction by the Chairman, seven panelists participated, each specialising in one particular area of concern. Comrades Prithwi Singh and Dalijit Sing drew on the experiences in two of the most agriculturally developed states of the country- Harayana and Punjab- and outlined the problems- mainly of access to inputs (particularly irrigation and power) at prices within the means of the small farmers, facing agriculturists under modern, capitalist agriculture. Comarde Srinivas Rao examined the problems of accentuating inter-regional inequality that arise with capitalist penetration in agriculture, and Comrade R. Krishna Nayar pointed to problems facing commercial crops, mainly with reference to coconut, rubber, coffee and spices. Comrade Samar Choudhury outlined the difficulties facing the tribal population and attempts by the Tripura government to resettle them in rubber and tea plantation and other regular agricultural activities. Comrade Sunit Chopra emphasised on increased peasant differentiation and unequal growth, while Comrade Nilotpal Basu raised issues relating to power structure in rural areas.
3. In the discussion that followed, 32 delegates narrated their experience on a wide range of issues. Broadly speaking, the following issues were highlighted: (a) those relating to the impact of NEP, (b) the capitalist development of agriculture, and (c) the role of MNCs.
4. Impact of NEP on agriculture: (i) While discussing the impact of the new economic policy the delegates mainly emphasised on the higher cost of inputs- mainly fertiliser, water and power- because of phased withdrawal of subsidies, and specially its implications for the small farmers who would be priced out of the market. The delegates also feared that the prices would be pushed to higher levels if parties supporting NEP return to power after the next election, (ii) the delegates pointed that while the procurement prices have been raised, those relating to many commercial crops have declined as they are facing competition from imports; the country is importing many commodities whose domestic producers are finding difficult to sell at fair prices; (iii) the lack of public investment- in irrigation and power in particular- has reduced the scope for increase in production, and (iv) both inter-regional inequality and inequality within a rural area have increased, given varying resource positions of areas and farmers.
5. Capitalist Development in Agriculture: The participants agreed that the process of capitalist development in agriculture has been accentuated by the new economic policy. Even the small farmers are producing for the market and buying inputs from shops. There is a significant shift in favour of commercial cropping, the substitution of labour-intensive paddy cultivation by tree crops, plantations or marine fisheries in coastal areas. All these are taking place at the cost of food and other subsistence crops. Tractors, tubewells and pumpsets are increasingly in vogue in many areas, sharecropping giving way to direct production with agricultural labourers, while highly personalised semi-feudal relationships are being replaced by the market-based ones. New types of labour use emerging, e.g., contract labour, decline in hired attached labour and a corresponding increase in hired casual labourers and the movement of rural migrants from less developed to more developed rural areas. However, the intensity of capitalist development varies significantly between areas. Whereas in Punjab, Harayana, western UttarPradesh and some other areas such capitalist development is more fully developed, in Bihar semi-feudal relations sill prevail, while some areas in North eastern states are characterised by pre-deudal modes of production.
6. The role of the MNCs in agri-business:- The delegates took serious note of the increasing penetration of MNCs in Indian agriculture. In several states they are deploying various means to bring a large amount of land under their control and are urging the state governments to relax ceilings for this purpose. The adverse impact of MNCs, like Pepsi-Cola and Kellogs was noted. However, not enough of details was forthcoming, and the delegates undertook to further study the issue in all its details.
7. The delegates urged a greater emphasis on co-operatives in order to counter, as far as possible, the adverse effect of the market forces on the smaller farmers. It sought greater awareness of these issue by the general peasant masses and the need to conduct struggles to protect the interests of the peasants. They also asked for detailed and in-depth studies on agrarian relations for individual states.

Biplab Dasgupta

Chairman

The commission finalised the following report after detailed discussion held on the basis of the outline of eight issues presented before it and also took up the issue of maximising Kisan Sabha’s support to the members elected from the economically and socially disadvantaged sections including SC, ST and Women. Besides Chariman and the panelists of the commission, 17 other delegates from different states participated in the discussion. The Commission has also taken into consideration the ’Information Documents’ and appreciates the immense help rendered by these documents. This report being brief does not intend to deal with the points and informations available in these documents in details. The commission considers these as very useful background materials to arrive at the understanding of this report.

The discussion continued till 8 p.m. all together 24 comrads including the panelists and the Chairman took partin the discussion. Chairman’s submission was as follows:

1. The title of the subject does not correspond to the outline of issues as referred to the commission. The title should have been problems of strengthening organisation and the outline should contain anotheritemsuchas ’Democratic funcitoning’ of the Kisan Sabha’.
2. a. Strictly speaking, the peasantry is not a class in itself, but a social category tending to be split into two seperate classes, i.c., the bourgeoisie and the proletariat or landless labours with the advance of capitalism which is the order of the day. The upper section of the peasantry has its closeness with the industrial bourgeoisie and the lower section has closeness with the rural labourers. The entire peasantry including the rich section has its conflicts with the T.N.Cs and big bourgeoisie. With the advance of capitalism in agriculture the grip of the T.N.Cs and monopolies upon the agrarian sector will increase. Plough will be replaced by tractors, natural fertiliser by chemical fetiliser, old irrigation devices by modern pumps. Use of pesticides and hi-breed seeds will increase. All these items are controlled by the T.N.Cs and monopolies. Even in matters of storage and marketing, they will largely remain the dominating force. With the deepending o the crisis, this conflict is likely to grow.

Two types of peasant unity are there, one-peasant unity under the influence of the bourgeoisie where rich and middle peasants would be a guiding force (this type of unity prevails in most parts of India which is of no use for the growth of the L & D forces, required for social change), the other- peasant unity under the influence of working class, where the poor peasants will play the domiant role. This is what we desire. But weaker force cannot draw thestronger force closer. Hence, the poor must be made a power. Only by organising themselves on their own demands and by uniting with the agr-labourers, which makes them strong, and by lending active support to the cause of the richer section in its conflict with the big capital, this type of unity can be achieved. It is a complex and simultaneous process.

b. Though part of the peasantry, the agr-labours are emerging as a distinct class. They are the most poor with most revolutionary potential. They must be made a pioneer force in the peasant movement. Two kinds of main contradiction are there in the rural areas. One, the contradiction between the agr-labs and their employers and the other – contradiction between the peasantry as a whole (including agr-labs) and the landlords, the T.N.CS and monopolies. Where landlordism is weak, the domination of big capital over agriculture is stronger. The former contradiction is direct, easy apprisable even with low level of consciousness, w hereas the latter, though stronger than the former is indirect and demands higher level of consciousness to be apprisable. Agr-labs-peasant unity-where age-labs play the guiding role is a must. For this, the agr-labs must be organised on their own specific demands (wage, social security, house-sites, against social discrimination and atrocities and thus be made a force to reckon with, at the same time they must not be made selfish but be roused and rallied in defence of the interest of the peasantry against the onslaught of the landlords, Y.N.Cs and the monopolies. As far the agr-labs are organised for their own cause, as far they actively fight for the cuase of the peasantry and as far the conflict between the peasants and their main enemies sharpens, so much unity will be achieved.

Method of agr-lab’s struggle for wages etc should not copy that of industrial workers. In industrial sector, the number of workers far outnumbers that of employers. But in rural sector, the agr-labs, though large in numbers are still minority and the number of the employers is generally larger and they are stratified. Hence agr-labs must remain firm in their demands but must be flexible in their approach. Unless the agr-labs are able to win over a good section of the employers-peasants by way of reason, campaign and appeals for unity against their real enemies, it would be hard for them to achieve success. In industrial sector, the T.Us conduct campaign for mobilising public opinion not for winningover empoyers, but to inflict defeat upon them. But in rural areas the task of organising vigorous campaign for winning over a good section of the employers is imperative. In rural areas the T.N.Cs, the monopolies remain veiled and both the agr-labs and the employer- peasants tend to treat each other as main enemy and thus miss the common enemy. Only by organising the agr-labs and by organis­ing persistent and educative campaigns we can make the both conscious about the real enemy. Reformism denies the necessity of organising the agr-labs on their own issues in the name of peasant unity and secteriaism denies the importance of unity. In reality both of these trends shield the real enemy.

To initiate wage struggle in new areas, Tamilnadu experience be taken into account of. They sclcted a number of contiguous villages, conducted campaign and ground work. The demand was very moderate (not statutory wage). Quantum of increase was not their concern, their concern was to see that whatever increase is there it is realised through struggle. It created confidence among the agr-labs which realised through struggle. It created confidence among the agr-labs which could help them to advance the struggle further. Initially it was the experience of West Bengal also.

1. Reformist concept of kisan unity based on dominance of rich and middle peasants still hunts our Kisan Sabha in most of the areas. This erroneous outlook has to be fought out at all levels. The centre have to sit and discuss the problem with at least state-level and district-level leaders at the state centre.
2. Besides land and wage movement, identification of con­crete issues in a locality is not difficult provided one cares for this. Basic contradiction expresses itslef in many piece-meal contradic­tions in the society. A small embankment, a drainage scheme, a small irrigation scheme, a village connecting road, school, an eviction from land or homestead, a dispute over getting back of mortgaged land, a police-repression, a case of social atrocities, local crisis over fertiliser, a co-operative, Relief problems and even matter of family feuds can be the issues. Initially peasants objective remains limited to the immediate issues. But we should not attempt to tie-up them to the immediate issues only but by taking the thread of the issue, try to bring the whole truth before them, try to broaden their outlook so that they realise that all these issues are ncft isolated but are part and parcel of the basic problem. Evert the wage and land struggle be conducted with this objective. It will help in recruiting new activists who have to be educated and brought into organisation subsquently. With this small struggles the peasants will eventually help increase our mobilising capacity.
3. Cast prejudices and discrimination is rampant in most parts of India. Even in advance states, it is there, though in subtle form. This issue, if takn up earnestly and seriously, can help a lot in spreading our influence and organisation. We fail to take up issues of social oppression because we ourselves suffer from feudal prejudices. Class origin of our cadres and the social environment have its constant effects. Our comrades even cannot identify the feudal prejudices. We have to organise vigorous campaign over these issues among the peasantry and educate our comrades as well. If we can take up the issues, the very logic of struggle will lead us to joining hends with other organisa­tions and forces that can be united. In reality it is a struggle against feudalism.
4. Problems of cadres is very serious. Hence proper planning should be there to depute them properly. Whenever there is a struggle in any locality, the state committee or the D.K.C. should not leave it to the local leaders but rush to the area, help our comrades in organising and leading the struggle. Only thus confidence can grow and new cadres come in. Whatever cadre is there should be judiciously u tilised to build some struggle in some areas which will in turn be a source of new cadres for extending struggles to newer areas.
5. Cadre training and recruiting vs Bureaucratic funcitoning

Cadre is the vital question. Training has two sides, one theoretical, other practical. Theoretical classes should be there but it would be of no use unless they are trained through practice. Bureaucratic and hero-like functioning of the leader impedes the process of cadre building. Habits of readymade prescription giving like mobile physician and hero-like functioning makes the cadres intellectually inert. Whatever problem is there in a locality, the responsible leader should go to the area, meet the committee there, discuss the problem, analyse the situation and help the comrades to reach a decision. Only in this way cadres learn how to analyse a given situation, judge the correlation of forces and dialiectically come to a conclusion. Individual prescription giving by different leaders always tend to create disruption within the organisation. The heroes foreget that the peasantry itself are to emancipate themselves. They lack confidence in the capabilities of cadres. Democratic funcitoning is lacking in many areas. This practice has to be seriously dealt with. At every level the committee, how much weak it may be, should be met, problems discussed and debated and course of action should be decided upon there. Feudal habits and outlook always breeds individualism and bureaucratic attitude. Constant watch should remain there to check it. b) Membership There remain elements of doubt about the membership fig­ures. By mainpulaiton we can only cheat ourselves, not the enemy. Weakness if not admitted cannot be overcome. Enrollment of membership should be taken as a campaign and movement. Whatever forces arc there in a locality, they should collectively organise street corner, village group meetings, speak out to the peasants thcaimsand objective of Kisan Sabha and enroll members. Issuing of leaflets and pasting of posters for the purpose? Would be useful. just after any struggle, our cadres should appeal and ap- praoch the concerned peasants to be members of K.S., a committee be formed with the best elements as choiced by the peasant themselves. List of members be prepared and kept at the Taluka or Block level in weaker areas and at G.P. levels in areas where very large number of members are. enrolled.

The 23th Conference of the All India Kisan Sabha strongly con­demns the attempts by US imperialism to overthrow the socilalist government of Cuba led by Comrade Fidel Castro, by nefarious designs that range from attempts to physically annihilate the leader of the Cuban Revlutions to the imposition of an illegal economic blockade in order to starve the people of Cuba to death. While its policy of keeping Cuba isolated from the rest of the humanity has not worked and 104 countries have called for its revocation in the U.N. General Assembly recently. But the recent legislation in the United States Congress proposes further punitive action against countries that continue to trade with Cuba. The Conference notes that latest legislation violates the sovereignty of an indepenent country, deplores this latest imperialist attempt and urges demo­cratic anti-imperialist people all over the world to rise up in protest against this abject and reprehensible act and to induce their governments to continue to trade with Cuba despite all threats.

The Conference also takes note of the serious violation of international ethics and code on the part of the United States, by refusing to extend to Com. Fidel Castro the courtesies that are normally shown to the heads of states when he attended the last session of the United Nations at New York. The Conference also deplores the vindicative attitude of the government of the United States when a year or so ago it refused the sale of wheat to India, because of the previous shipment of paddy by India to Cuba, a shipment which had a significant contribution of AIKS in it. The conference congratulates the role played by the kisans and various organisations of the working people to mobilise supportfor the Cuban brothers and sisters who are under severe economic and diplomatic pressure, and are living under continuous threat. The Conference urges the democratic people all over the country to sustain the moral and financial support and to help this brave socialist regime survive the imperialist onslaught and observe 27th November in solidarity with Cuba and in condemnation of the US Administration as never before and at as many places as possible.

The 28th Conference of the AIKS resolves to celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the foundation of the AIKS from April 1996 to April 1997. It calls on the CKC to prepare a definite plan to observe this as widely as possible with exhitions, seminars, study camps, public meetings, demonstrations and a powerful thrust to the peasant upsurge against the NET, NAP to go forward for resolving the pressing problems the peasantry, facing in the militant tradition of the AIKS that has made it the premier organisation fighting for the rights of the peasant masses in the country today.

The 28th Conference of AIKS condemns the killing of four innocent people including a DYF1 activist Prasanna Naik and seriously injuring 10 others at Puri by the Police, who resorted to unprovoked firing without warning to clear the way for Cong(I) Chief Minister ofOrissa. The people were only asking for theC.M. to stop and express a few words of sympathy to the family of a 5 years old boy, who was crushed to death by private bus. The C.M. did not stop and the police used this barbaric method to teach the people a lession. We demand a judicial enquiry by a sitting High Court Judge, compensation to the families of those killed and injured, and immediate suspension of the S.P., and stern punish­ment to other guilty officials. We send our heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families.

The 28th Conference of AIKS, notes with hearfclt sympathy, the agonies of the people of Orissa, who had to face several cyclones and floods only a few weeks earlier. Crops, houses, liverstocks and other private and public properties of hundreds of crores of Rupees have been damaged. More than two dozen of people have lost their lives. But the Central Govt, is not sanctioning apropriate amount for relief and rehabilitation. State Govt, machinery has also been lethergic in taking preventive steps and providing relief measures to the affected people. We demand immediate sanction of requred amount from the Central Govt, and apropriate meas­ures from state Govt, to provide compensation and relief and take permanent preventive steps by expanding irrigation system and drainage.

The 28th Conference of AIKS strongly denounces the anti people new economic and agricultural policies pursued by Narsimha Rao govt, adopted under the pressure of IMF/W.B. undermining the economic sovereignty have led to rccedented price rise, largescale pretrenchment and unemployment and growing pauperisation of the peasantry and other common people. There is a clear shift from hither to pursued policies of self-reliance, the leading role of public sector, social secutity measures, planning process etc. There is a mad rush of privatisation and invitation to MNCs. in name of liberalisation and globalisation of economy. Widhdrawal of subsidies on agricultural inputs, power and irrigation due to these policies are making the agriculture costly day-by day, thus forcing the poor, marginal and middle peasants to leass out or sell their lands to rich farmers or landlords. Signing of GATT agreement by the Govt, despite the coun­trywide opposition and likely surrender on Patent Law are posing a very bleack future to our economy and the common people particularly the peasantry. The Conference congratuates the peasants in general and its cadres in particular, for participating in a number of independent and joint movement opposing these anti-people economic and agricultural policies, and resolves to continue the fight till the policies are reversed in favour of the people.

The 28th Conference takes serious note of rising prices particularly of consumer goods. The policies of the government such as withdrawal of subsidies on agricultural inputs, and free hand to big-business, MNCs. and speculates etc on the one hand and dis­bandment of the PDS, are responsible for futher price increase. Sky-rocketing of prices of daily necessaities is creating great hardship with common people. The Conference demands immediate steps to halt this price increase, strengthen P.D.S. in all the corners of the country, through which the foodgrains should be supplied at 50% reduced prices, and all the 14 essential commidities should be made available there and at all the fair price shops. For rural areas; food for work programme must be initiated immediatedly on large scale. The Conference resolves to launch movement on these demands.

The 28th Conference of AIKS notes with distress that every year immense damages are caused to human lives, livestocks, crops houses, roads, bridges, canal embankents, tubewells, electric in­stallations, ware houses and other public and private properties due to floods, cyclone hail storms and heavy rains, in a number of regions. And in some regions the serious drought and famine conditions worsen the lives of the peoples, who have to suffer even for drinking water. The Central Govt, under the dictates of W.B./ I.M.F. has been reducing the budget allocations for irrigation, water management and reliefs in the period of national calamities. No new irrigational projects are being taken up and old embankments are suffering due to lack of proper maintainable for years. This Conference demands from the Central Govt, to give up its callous anti-people and in-humane aproach and immediately work for a proper water management policy with required fund to prevent or atleast minimise the loses to crops, properities and lives in regions which are flood or drought prone and cover all the crops under comprehensive Insurance Scheme.

The 28th Conference of AIKS expresses its serious aprehension at the nefarious games of communal forces like RSS, VHP, Ba jrang dal etc, who are trying to whip up communal frenzy on the eve of Parliamentary poll. They are trying to rake up the issues of Krishna Temple at Mathura, Kashi Vishwanath Temple at Var­anasi and are demanding the right to build the temple at the disputed place in Ayodhya, where they dmolished Babri Masjid on 6th Dec. 1992. Activities of majority communalists encourage minority communalismand vice-versa, thus dividing the common people who are fighting the an ti-people policies of the government. This Conference appeals to the peasantry and other secular forces in general and AIKS cares in particular to step up their vigilance and foil the game of these communal forces as to preserve the unity of the peasantry and the people .

The 28th Conference of AIKS takes serious note of the continu­ing activities of a number of divisive forces in various parts of the country particularly in border states like J.&K. and in North-East region. These dark forces are encouraged by fundamentalist ide­ology and are getting assistance from abroad. The imperialists are interested in destablishing India, and this part of Asia. The Conference salutes those cadres and patriots, who have sacrificed their lives fighting against these dark forces for the preservance of national unity and integrity, and resolves to continue this fight to foil their game of destablisation and division of India.

The 28th Conference of AIKS notes with indignation the ever increasing news of scandals and corruption in high places. During last 3-4 years the people of this great country have noticed with pain one after another exposer of those scandals like Banks scam, scam in disinvestment, Havala scam, Telecome scam and all these added by Chandra Swami episode. This conference demands high level and expedious enquiry of these corruptions and scams and stern punishment to the guilty politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen and their god fathers like Chandra Swami

CKC Members: 41

Total 702

Delegates present: 637 CKC Members present: 37

Total 674/- as per CKC report

Total Nos. credential forms received 668.

Male: 660 Female: 8

Total 668

Oldest delegates: Com. Krishnan Nair- 81 yrs. of Kerala Youngest delegates Com. Balaram Adhikari of Sikkim- 25 years.

——–— ——-–— 491 177

615 53

Higest No. children of a delegate is 9.

In 1936 Com. H.S. Surjeet & Com. M.P. Narayanan Nambiar joined AIKS.

Com. Binod Das of CKC suffered the longest time prisonment- 11 yrs. 5 months & 15 days.

i) Six of our respected old guards took part in the past glorious Kisan Movements and anti-imperialist freedom struggle.

ii) 229 of our delegate comrades took part in various land and land-related movements including wage movements of Agricultural Labourers throughout the country.

iii) 71 of our delegate/comrades took active part couragiously against separatist, divisive forces, against semi-fascist tarror, against authoritarioanism throughout the country.

Rathin Roy Convenor

1. President Com. Benoy Konar Com. H.S. Surjeet Com. R.N. Goswami Com. Paloli Md. Kutty Com. K. Vardarajan Com. S. Ramchandran Pillai Com. P. K. Tandon Com. N.K. Shukla Com. V. Srinivas Rao
2. Vice President Com. H.S Surjeet
3. Vice President Com R.N.Goswami
4. Vice President Com. Paloli Md. Kutty Com. K.
5. Vice President Vardarajan Com. S.
6. General Secretary Tandon Com. N.K. Shukla Com.

7 . Joint Secretary V. Srinivas Rao

1. Joint Secretary
2. Joint Secretary